Bi wen jun

• Home • Hide ads • Calendar • Lists • Feeds • Articles • Trailers • Forums • Contributors • Stars Leaderboard NEW • Shows • Top Shows • Most Popular Shows • Variety Shows • Upcoming • Reviews • Recommendations • Recommended For You • Add New Title • Movies • Top Movies • Most Popular Movies • Upcoming • Reviews • Recommendations • Add New Title • People • Top Actors • Add New Person Gong Jun • Name: Gong Jun • Native name: 龚俊 • Also Known as: Simon Gong, 龔俊 • Nationality: Chinese • Gender: Male • Born: November 29, 1992 • Age: 29 Gong Jun (English name: Simon) is a Chinese model and actor born in Chengdu, Sichuan Province and graduated from the Performance Department of Donghua University.

During his university days, he often modelled for advertisements of various industries. His acting career bi wen jun kicked off in bi wen jun with his debut role as Pi Lu in idol drama "Sword Chaos". The following year, he co-starred in the bromance drama "Advance Bravely".

He gained popularity in 2020 from campus drama "Love Equations" and urban drama "Begin Again". His fame soared even higher in 2021 and became widely known for his role as Wen Ke Xing in the wuxia drama "Word of Honor".

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Born 21 July 541 Chang'an, Northern Zhou Died 13 August 604 (604-08-13) (aged 63) Renshou Palace, Baoji, Sui China Consorts Empress Wenxian Issue Yang Yong Emperor Yang Yang Jun Yang Xiu Yang Liang Princess Leping Princess Xiang Princess Guangping Princess Lanling Princess Wanan Names Family name: Yang ( 楊, Yáng) Given name: Jian ( 堅, Jiān) Era dates Kāihuáng 開皇 (581–600) Rénshòu 仁壽 (601–604) Posthumous name Emperor Wen ( 文皇帝, wén huángdì) literary meaning: "civil" Temple name Gaozu ( 高祖, gāo zǔ) Father Yang Zhong Mother Lü Kutao Part of a series on Chinese legalism 1st Emperor of Sui dynasty The Emperor Wen of Sui ( 隋文帝; 21 July 541 – 13 August 604), personal name Yang Jian ( 楊堅), Xianbei name Puliuru Jian ( 普六茹堅), alias Narayana ( Chinese: 那羅延; pinyin: Nàluóyán) deriving from Buddhist terms, was the founder and first emperor of the Chinese Sui dynasty (581–618 AD).

He was a hard-working administrator and a micromanager. [ citation needed] The Book of Sui records him as having withdrawn his favour from the Confucians, giving it to "the group advocating Xing-Ming and authoritarian government." [1] As a Buddhist, he encouraged the spread of Buddhism through the state.

He is regarded as one of the most important emperors in ancient Chinese history, reunifying China in 589 after centuries of division since the fall of the Western Jin dynasty in 316. During his reign, the construction of the Grand Canal began.

As a Northern Zhou official, Yang Jian served with apparent distinction during the reigns of Emperor Wu of Northern Zhou and Emperor Xuan of Northern Zhou. When the erratic Emperor Xuan died in 580, Yang, as his father-in-law, seized power as regent. After defeating the general Yuchi Jiong, who resisted him, he seized the throne for himself, establishing the new Sui Dynasty (as its Emperor Wen).

He was the first Chinese ruler to rule the entire North China after the Xianbei clans conquered that area from the Liu Song dynasty (not counting the brief reconquest of that region by Emperor Wu of Liang). Generally speaking, Emperor Wen's reign was a great period of prosperity, not seen since the Han dynasty. Economically, the dynasty prospered. It was said that there was enough food stored for 50 years. The military was also powerful. At the beginning of his reign, Sui faced the threat of the Göktürks to the north, and neighbored Tibetan tribes to the west, Goguryeo in the northeast, and Champa (Linyi) threatening the south.

By the end of Emperor Wen's reign, the Göktürks had split into an eastern and a western kaganate, the eastern one being nominally submissive to Sui, as was Goguryeo. Champa was defeated and, while not conquered, did not remain a threat. Emperor Wen is also famous for having the fewest concubines for an adult Chinese emperor. ( Emperor Bi wen jun of Western Wei and the Ming dynasty Hongzhi Emperor were the only two perpetually monogamous Chinese emperors.) Emperor Wen was known for having only two concubines (although he might have had additional concubines not documented by traditional historians), with whom he might not have had sexual relations until after the death in 602 of his wife Empress Dugu, whom he loved and respected deeply.

Contents • 1 Early life • 2 Regency • 3 Early Kaihuang era • 4 Late Kaihuang era • 5 Renshou era • 6 Family • 7 Ancestry • 8 References • 9 Bibliography Early life [ edit ] The Yang clan of Hongnong ( 弘農楊氏) [2] [3] [4] [5] [6] were claimed as ancestors by the Sui Emperors, similar to bi wen jun Tang Emperors' claim of the Longxi Li clan.

[7] Yang Jian's clan claimed descent from the Han Dynasty general Yang Zhen. Yang Zhen's eighth-generation descendant Yang Xuan ( 楊鉉) served as a commandery governor for a Yan state ( Former Yan or Later Yan) during the Sixteen Kingdoms Period, and his descendants subsequently served the Northern Wei Dynasty. Yang Jian's father Yang Zhong ( 楊忠) followed the late-Northern Wei general Yuwen Tai and later became prominent in the branch successor state of Northern Wei, Western Wei, under Yuwen's regency.

Yang Jian's mother Lady Lü gave birth to him at a Buddhist temple in Pingyi (馮翊, in modern Weinan, Shaanxi). A Buddhist nun was impressed with his appearance, and raised him in his early years. [8] Yang Jian attended the imperial college for the sons of the nobility and high bi wen jun.

[9] When he was 14 years old, he was appointed to serve in the military under Yuwen Tai. [9] In 555, on account of Yang Zhong's accomplishments, Yang Jian received several official ranks, including the title of the Duke of Chengji County ( 成紀縣公).

In 557, Dugu Xin, impressed with Yang Jian, gave his daughter, Empress Dugu Qieluo, to Yang and made her his wife. He was 16, and she was 13. After Yuwen Tai's son Emperor Ming of Northern Zhou came to the throne later that year, Yang Jian was made the vice minister of internal affairs, and he was created the greater title of Duke of Daxing Commandery ( 大興郡公).

Subsequently, during the reign of Emperor Ming's brother Emperor Wu, Yang Jian was further promoted in military authority. After Yang Zhong's death in 568, he inherited the title of Duke of Sui. In 573, Emperor Wu took Yang Jian's daughter Yang Lihua to be the wife and crown princess of his son Yuwen Yun the Crown Prince, and further honored Yang Jian.

It was said that, however, that Yang Jian was so unusual in his appearance that some of Emperor Wu's close associates suspected Yang Jian of eventually harboring treasonous intent. Both Emperor Wu's brother Yuwen Xian the Prince of Qi and the general Wang Bi wen jun ( 王軌) were said to have suggested that Emperor Wu execute Yang Jian, but Emperor Wu resisted.

Still, Yang Jian heard rumors and tried to hide his own talent to avoid trouble. It was not until 575 when Emperor Wu involved Yang Jian in a major campaign against rival Northern Qi. Yang Jian also participated in the 576–577 campaign that saw Emperor Wu being able to destroy Northern Qi and seize its territory. In 578, Emperor Wu died, and Yuwen Yun took the throne as Emperor Xuan.

Emperor Xuan immediately began bi wen jun show erratic behavior, and while he created Yang Jian's daughter Crown Princess Yang empress, he suspected Yang Jian deeply, although he made Yang Jian the minister of defense. In 579, Emperor Xuan passed the throne to his young son Yuwen Chan (by his concubine Consort Zhu Manyue) (as Emperor Jing) and became retired emperor (with the bi wen jun title of "Emperor Tianyuan" ( Tianyuan Huangdi), but continued to exercise imperial powers.

On one occasion, he became so suspicious of Yang Jian that he stated to Empress Yang, "I will surely slaughter your clan!" He then summoned Yang Jian to the palace, with instructions to kill him if his expressions betrayed any worries, but Yang Jian arrived without showing any unusual emotions, and avoided being killed.

On another occasion, Empress Yang displeased Emperor Xuan, and Emperor Xuan ordered her to commit suicide. When Duchess Dugu heard this, she went to the palace to beg Emperor Xuan's forgiveness, and Emperor Xuan eventually spared Empress Yang.

Regency [ edit ] In summer 581, with Emperor Xuan intending to conquer Chen Dynasty, he sent Yang Jian to be the commandant at Yang Province (揚州, roughly modern Lu'an, Anhui) to prepare for the campaign against Chen.

Before Yang Jian could depart, however, Emperor Xuan suddenly grew seriously ill. Two of Emperor Xuan's close associates, Liu Fang ( 劉昉) and Zheng Yi ( 鄭譯), who were friends of Yang's, summoned Yang to the palace to prepare to serve as regent, overriding the desire of another closet associate, Yan Zhiyi ( 顏之儀), to have Emperor Xuan's uncle Yuwen Zhao ( 宇文招) the Prince of Zhao appointed regent.

Emperor Xuan soon died, and Zheng and Liu issued an edict in Emperor Xuan's name appointing Yang regent. Yang immediately pleased the officials at the capital by abolishing the wastefulness and cruel policies of Emperor Xuan, and he himself demonstrated both hard work and frugality, which impressed the people. Fearful of the intentions of the general Yuchi Jiong, who was then the commandant at Xiang Province (相州, roughly modern Handan, Hebei), he summoned Yuchi back to the capital.

Yuchi, however, refused, and believing that Yang's intentions were to usurp the throne, rose at Xiang Province against Yang. He was supported by the generals Sima Xiaonan ( 司馬消難), the commandant at Xun Province (勛州, roughly modern Xiaogan, Hubei) and Wang Qian ( 王謙), the commandant at Yi Province (roughly modern Chengdu, Sichuan). However, just 68 days after Yuchi rose in rebellion, the general Wei Xiaokuan defeated Yuchi, and Yuchi committed suicide.

Wang was also soon defeated, and Sima fled to Chen. To prevent Yuchi's headquarters at Yecheng to be used again as a base of opposition against him, Yang Jian had Yecheng (Northern Qi's old capital) torn down.

During Yuchi's campaign, Zhou princes like Yuwen Xian Prince of Bi and Yuwen Zhao made attempts to assassinate Yang, but failed. In response, Yang put Yuwen Xian, Yuwen Zhao and Zhao's younger brother Yuwen Sheng ( 宇文盛) the Prince of Yue and their sons to death, and after Yuchi was defeated, he began to slaughter the Yuwen clan in earnest.

He also had Emperor Jing promote his titles quickly, and he changed his surname back to Yang. Around bi wen jun new year 581, his title was promoted to Prince of Sui ( 隨王). In spring 581, he had Emperor Jing yield the throne to him, ending Northern Zhou and establishing Sui Dynasty, as its Emperor Wen. (His use of "Sui" as his new dynasty name was typical of Chinese historical dynastic transitions—using the old fief name as the new dynasty's name—but he, believing that the character for his fief Sui ( 隨) to contain a "辶" radical, denoting "walking" and therefore a lack of permanence in the regime, removed "辶" from the character, rendering it "隋".) Early Kaihuang era [ edit ] Emperor Wen abolished Northern Zhou's governmental organization of six departments, instead establishing five main bureaus—executive bureau ( Shangshu Sheng ( 尚書省)), examination bureau ( Menxia Sheng ( 門下省)), legislative bureau ( Neishǐ Sheng ( 內史省)), Palace Library, and eunuch bureau ( Neishì Sheng (內侍省—note different tone and character versus 'legislative bureau')), with two additional independent agencies, 11 other independent departments, and 12 military commands.

He posthumously honored his father Yang Zhong and mother Lady Lu as emperor and empress. He created his wife Duchess Dugu empress and their oldest son Yang Yong crown prince; he created his brothers and his other sons imperial princes.

He initially created Northern Zhou's Emperor Jing the Duke of Jie, but soon slaughtered all grandsons of Yuwen Tai, bi wen jun eventually bi wen jun the Duke of Jie to death as well. He entrusted most of the important governmental matters to his officials Gao Jiong, Yang Su, and Su Wei. Agreeing with some officials' assertions that Northern Zhou fell because its imperial princes lacked power to protect the central government, he sent his sons out to key provinces with broad powers.

He further commissioned the official Pei Zheng ( 裴政) to carry out a project of simplifying the penal bi wen jun and decrease the penalty from the harsh laws—a reform that was later largely accepted by the succeeding dynasties. Emperor Wen did not maintain as submissive a relationship with the Göktürks, which brought resentment from the Göktürks' Ϊšbara qaγan Ashina Helu. The qaγan's wife, the Xianbei princess Qianjin, Yuwen Zhao's daughter, particularly hated Emperor Wen for destroying the Northern Zhou.

Ashina Helu therefore carried out a series of border attacks against Sui, allied with Gao Baoning ( 高寶寧), the former Northern Qi general who was still holding Ying Province (營州, roughly modern Zhaoyang, Liaoning). In response, under advice from the general Zhangsun Sheng ( 長孫晟), Emperor Wen carried out the strategy of placating Ashina Helu's subordinate qaγans—his uncle Datou Khan Ashina Dianjue ( 阿史那玷厥), cousin Abo Khan Ashina Daxianbian ( 阿史那大暹便), and brother Ashina Chuluohou ( 阿史那處羅侯) – to create dissension within the Göktürks, and gradually, the strategy worked, causing the Göktürks to be unable to take unified actions against Sui.

In 581, Emperor Wen commissioned a major attack on Chen, and while it was initially successful, Bi wen jun Wen withdrew the attack in spring 582 after hearing that Emperor Xuan of Chen had died and believing it wrongful to attack a state whose emperor had just died. In 582, believing that Chang'an was too small of a city, Emperor Wen built a new capital nearby, which he named Daxing, and in spring 583 he moved the capital to Daxing. (From that point forward, Daxing and Chang'an became interchangeable names, although by the time of succeeding Tang Dynasty, the new capital was known again just as Chang'an.) Also in 582, Emperor Wen, thankful for the refusal by the vassal Emperor Ming of Western Liang to support Yuchi Jiong in 580, withdrew his forces from Western Liang's capital Jiangling, permitting Western Liang a degree of self-governance.

He also took Emperor Ming's daughter as the wife and princess to his son, Yang Guang the Prince of Jin.

(After Emperor Ming's death in 585 and succession by his son Emperor Jing of Western Liang, however, Emperor Wen reestablished the post of commandant of Jiangling and again put Western Liang territory under military control.) By spring 583, the Göktürks' internal dissension had become serious enough that Emperor Wen felt comfortable enough to commission his brother Yang Shuang ( 楊爽) the Prince of Wei to command a major attack against Ashina Shetu.

Yang Shuang achieved a great victory, and part of his army, commanded by the general Yin Shou ( 陰壽), defeated Gao, forcing Gao to try to flee to the Qidan, but on the way, Gao was killed by his own subordinates, ending the last bit of Northern Qi resistance. After the defeat, the various subordinate khans further engaged in battles among themselves and against Ashina Shetu, with Sui watching by, refusing to give aid to any side. By 584, Ashina Shetu submitted to Sui, and even the resentful Princess Qianjin referred to Emperor Wen as "father." He created her the Princess Dayi.

In summer 584, believing that the Wei River, on account of its sandbars and treacherous waters, was becoming too difficult of a route for food transport to Daxing, commissioned the official Yuwen Kai ( 宇文愷) to construct a canal between Daxing and Tong Pass, parallel to the Wei River, named the Guangtong Canal ( 廣通渠), greatly easing the transport of food and other supplies to the capital region Guanzhong.

Nevertheless, on account of a famine in Guanzhong in fall 584, Emperor Wen briefly took up residence in Luoyang. In 586, the officials Liang Shiyan ( 梁士彥) the Duke of Cheng, Yuwen Xin ( 宇文忻) the Duke of Qi, and Liu Fang the Duke of Shu—all three of whom were friends of Emperor Wen but all of whom believed that they had been slighted by Emperor Wen—were accused of plotting rebellion, bi wen jun all three were executed.

In spring 587, continuing his canal-building regime, Emperor Wen built the Shanyang Canal ( 山陽瀆) between the Yangtze River and the Huai River to improve the transport of material between those two rivers. In fall 587, Emperor Wen summoned Western Liang's Emperor Jing to Chang'an to meet him. Emperor Jing complied with the direction. While Emperor Jing was away, however, Emperor Wen, believing that Jiangling would not be guarded well, sent his general Cui Hongdu ( 崔弘度) to Jiangling.

Emperor Jing's uncle Xiao Yan ( 蕭巖) the Prince of Anping and Xiao Huan ( 蕭瓛) the Prince of Yixing instead believed that Cui was intending to attack the city, and they took the populace of the city and surrendered to the Chen general Chen Huiji ( 陳慧紀), the cousin to Chen's emperor Chen Shubao. In response, Emperor Wen abolished Western Liang, directly seizing its territory, while creating Emperor Jing the Duke of Ju.

Emperor Wen, who had been planning to conquer Chen for years, now further enhanced his planning bi wen jun earnest. In spring 588, Emperor Wen publicly announced a campaign against Chen, commanded by Yang Guang, another of his sons Yang Jun the Prince of Qin, and Yang Su, with Yang Guang in overall command.

Gao Jiong served as Yang Guang's assistant. In spring 589, the Sui general Heruo Bi ( 賀若弼) crossed the Yangtze at Jingkou (京口, in modern Zhenjiang, Jiangsu), and the Sui general Han Qinhu ( 韓擒虎) crossed the Yangtze at Caishi (采石, in modern Ma'anshan, Anhui). Meanwhile, Yang Su was advancing from the west down the Yangtze, and Yang Jun was stationed in the middle Yangtze region, cutting off any Chen forces that might have been able to come to the aid of Chen's capital Jiankang.

Heruo soon defeated and captured the Chen general Xiao Mohe, who was making a final attempt to repel Heruo and Han's forces from Jiankang, and Jiankang fell immediately after. Chen Shubao was captured but not harmed. Rather, he and his clan members were transported to Chang'an, where Emperor Wen treated them as honored guests. Some Chen generals briefly resisted, but soon the Sui had control. The Southern and Northern Dynasties period was over, and Sui had united China.

Much as how he had torn down Yecheng after Yuchi defeat, Emperor Wen tore down Jiankang, establishing only a minor garrison at the nearby Shitou as Jiang Province ( 蔣州).

Late Kaihuang era [ edit ] In 590, apparently jealous of the talent of the official Li Delin, who had been key in his takeover of power as regent and who had contributed to the strategies in conquering Chen, Emperor Wen, believing in several false accusations against Li, removed Li from his office and made him a provincial governor. Li would not return to the central government for the rest of his life.

After Chen was conquered, Sui began to apply its bi wen jun over Chen's former territory—which brought resentment from the gentry, as they had been treated preferentially under Chen and its predecessor dynasties in the south.

Su Wei further wrote a work known as the Five Teachings (五教, Wu Jiao) which is no longer extant but thought to be a work about loyalty to Sui and ordered that all former Chen subjects read and memorize it, leading to further resentment.

When a rumor spread that Sui would move Chen subjects into the Guanzhong region in 590, nearly all of former Chen realm rose in rebellion, but in an unorganized manner. Emperor Wen sent Yang Su to quell the rebellions, and the rebels were no match for Yang Su; within the year, the bi wen jun were put down. In 591, Tuyuhun sought peace and, as per custom, its khan Murong Shifu ( 慕容世伏) offered his daughter to be a concubine for Bi wen jun Wen.

Emperor Wen accepted the peace offer but declined the offer of Murong Shifu's daughter. (It was, however, around this time that he did take Chen Shubao's sister and another woman from Jiankang, Consort Cai, as concubines, although it appeared likely that Consort Cai was never able to have sexual relations with Emperor Wen while Empress Dugu was alive; Consort Chen, as the sister of a submissive former sovereign, might have had sexual relations with Emperor Wen on an infrequent basis, but it is not clear.) In spring 592, the official He Tuo ( 何妥), who, despite his senior status over Su Wei's son Su Kui ( 蘇夔), was losing out against Su Kui over a debate as to the designation of official music styles for Sui.

In anger, He Tuo accused Su Wei of factionalism, and after investigation by Emperor Wen's son Yang Xiu and the official Yu Qingze (ted zhang), Su Wei was removed from office.

After Su Wei's removal, Yang Su and Gao Jiong became effectively the co-prime ministers. When Heruo Bi, who believed that he should have been prime minister, complained, Emperor Wen removed him from his post as well and stripped him of his ducal title, but bi wen jun the ducal title a year later.

(Su Wei, however, was back in his post at the latest by 595.) Also in 592, Emperor Wen, reacting to an overflowing abundance of food and silk in the governmental stores, reduced the taxes heavily, and he also sent messengers around central China, redistributing land to give the poor farming land.

In 593, Emperor Wen commissioned a summer vacation palace, Renshou Palace (仁壽宮, in modern Linyou County, Shaanxi), away from Chang'an, with Yang Su in charge of the project. The palace was far more luxurious than Emperor Wen expected, and its construction cost many lives.

(When it was completed in spring 595 and Emperor Wen visited the palace, he was initially very displeased with Yang Su, but Empress Dugu persuaded him that Yang Bi wen jun knew that he had little other entertainment, and she awarded Yang Su much treasure to show appreciation.) Also in 593, knowing that the Princess Dayi was still resentful of him, Emperor Wen had the official Pei Ju inform the cousin and subordinate khan to the Göktürks' Dulan Khan, Ashina Yongyulü, the Tuli Khan Ashina Rangan (son of Ashina Chuluohou) that he would let Ashina Rangan marry a Sui princess if Ashina Rangan was able to get Princess Dayi killed.

Ashina Rangan, in response, accused Princess Dayi of adultery, and Ashina Yongyulü killed her and requested another marriage with Sui. Instead, Emperor Wen agreed to marry a princess to Ashina Rangan, in order to create greater friction between them. In 594, in response to another famine in the Guanzhong region, Emperor Wen again temporarily took up residence in Luoyang. He also, to share in some of his people's suffering, abstained from meat for a year. Late in 594, Yang Guang submitted a petition that Emperor Wen carry out the ancient ceremonies of worshipping the heaven and earth gods at Mount Tai.

Emperor Wen declined to carry out a full set of ceremonies due to its costs, but in spring 595 carried out an abbreviated version to seek blessings from the gods due to the ongoing drought.

Also in spring 595, Emperor Wen ordered that no weapons be held by private individuals and that all of them be collected and destroyed, although he exempted the border provinces from this edict. In 596, Emperor Wen created a daughter of a clansman the Princess Guanghua and married her to Murong Shifu, to cement the peaceful relations with Tuyuhun.

In 597, Cuan Wan ( 爨翫), the chief of the Nanning Tribe (南寧夷, located in modern Qujing, Yunnan), rebelled. Emperor Wen sent the general Shi Wansui ( 史萬歲) the Duke of Taiping against Cuan, forcing him to surrender. Initially, Shi was to take Cuan to Chang'an to be presented to Emperor Wen, but Cuan bribed Shi, and so Shi allowed him to stay. Also in 597, Li Guangshi ( 李光仕), the chief of the aborigine people in Gui Province (桂州, roughly modern Guilin, Guangxi), also rebelled.

Emperor Wen sent the generals Wang Shiji ( 王世積) and Zhou Fashang ( 周法尚) against Li, and Zhou was able to defeat and kill Li. However, in the fall, Li Shixian ( 李世賢), who might have been related to Li Guangshi, rebelled at Gui Province, and Emperor Wen sent Yu Qingze the Duke of Lu to attack Li Shixian; Yu was successful in suppressing bi wen jun rebellion.

Subsequently, however, Yu's brother-in-law Zhao Shizhu ( 趙什住), who had an affair with Yu's concubine, falsely accused Yu of treason, and around the new year 598, Yu was executed. Also in 597, Emperor Wen felt that the punishment for official misconduct was too light, and authorized that supervising officials would be permitted to batter their subordinates with large bi wen jun if they felt that the legally prescribed punishment was too light in comparison to bi wen jun degree of misconduct.

Further, also believing that there was too much theft and robbery throughout the realm, he increased the punishment for theft to death—a law that he subsequently abolished. Also in 597, Emperor Wen's son Yang Jun the Prince of Qin, the commandant at Bing Province (并州, roughly Taiyuan, Shanxi), was poisoned, but not to death, by his jealous wife Princess Bi wen jun.

After Yang Jun was taken back to Chang'an for treatment, Emperor Wen discovered that Yang Jun had been wasteful at his post, and removed him from all of his offices, allowing him to only retain the title of imperial prince. When Princess Cui's poisoning was discovered, Emperor Wen ordered Yang Jun to divorce her, and subsequently ordered her to commit suicide.

When Liu Sheng ( 劉昇) and Yang Su suggested that the punishment against Yang Jun was overly severe, Emperor Wen responded to Yang Su: I am the father of just five sons, not the father of all people over the land. If I agreed with you, does that mean I have to draft a Penal Code for the Emperor's Sons ?

Even a man as kind as the Duke of Zhou executed his brothers, the lords of Guan and Cai, for their crimes. I am nowhere as capable as the Duke of Zhou, so I can break my own laws? Also in 597, Ashina Rangan arrived at Chang'an, and Emperor Wen gave him the daughter of a clansman, whom he created the Princess Anyi, to be his wife, and awarded Ashina Rangan with much treasure, to try to break the bond between him and Ashina Yongyulü.

From this point on, whenever Ashina Yongyulü would prepare to attack, Ashina Rangan would report his plans to Emperor Wen, allowing Sui forces to become prepared. In 598, King Yeongyang of Goguryeo attacked Ying Province, and while the governor of Ying Province, Wei Chong ( 韋沖), fought off the Goguryeo attack, Emperor Wen was angered. He sent his son Yang Liang the Prince of Han and Wang Shiji to serve as commanding generals, with Gao Jiong serving as Bi wen jun Liang's assistant, and the former Chen general Zhou Luohou ( 周羅睺) serving as bi wen jun commander of the navy, to attack Goguryeo.

However, the forces ran into food supply problems, and the ships ran into a storm and suffered great losses. Both at sea and on the ground, Goguryeo forces inflicted heavy losses on the Sui forces. Nevertheless, King Yeongyang ceased his raids into China and so Emperor Wen called bi wen jun the campaign against Goguryeo, unable to commit yet another enormous force to punish Goguryeo after the recent losses.

As King Wideok of Baekje offered assistance to Sui during the campaign, this precipitated a conflict between Goguryeo and Baekje. Also in 598, Cuan Wan rebelled again, and Yang Xiu accused Shi of accepting bribes from Cuan earlier. Emperor Wen considered executing Shi, but ultimately chose only to remove him from his posts, and it appeared soon after Shi was restored to his post. In 599, after Ashina Rangan reported that Ashina Yongyulü was planning to attack, Emperor Wen took preemptive action and had Gao Jiong, Yang Su, and Yan Rong ( 燕榮) command a three-pronged attack against Ashina Yongyulü, with Yang Liang in nominal command but not at the frontline.

In response, Ashina Yongyulü and Ashina Dianjue bi wen jun a joint attack against Ashina Rangan, defeating him and largely seizing his tribe. Ashina Rangan fled to Sui, and Emperor Wen treated him as an honored guest. Subsequently, both Gao Jiong and Yang Su engaged Göktürk forces and repelled them.

Also in 599, with Wang Shiji's subordinate Huangfu Xiaoxie ( 皇甫孝諧) accusing Wang of treason after Wang refused to shield Huangfu after he committed crimes, Emperor Wen believed Huangfu bi wen jun executed Wang. By this point, Yang Yong the Crown Prince had lost the favor of both Emperor Wen and Empress Dugu, over his being overly wasteful (which displeased Emperor Wen) and having many concubines (which displeased Empress Dugu).

They therefore considered deposing him and replacing him with Yang Guang. When Empress Dugu hinted as such, Gao Jiong stated clear opposition. Meanwhile, Emperor Wen himself had engaged in sexual relations with Yuchi Jiong's granddaughter, who had been made a servant after her grandfather's defeat—and when Empress Dugu found out, she had Yuchi Jiong's granddaughter killed. Emperor Wen was exceedingly angry and rode away from the palace on a horse, returning to the palace only at the urging of Gao and Yang Su—but with Gao further angering Empress Dugu when Gao referred to her as "a woman." In 599, Gao was accused of associating with Wang Shiji and removed from his posts.

Subsequently, Gao was accused of cursing Emperor Wen, but when the sentence of death was recommended, Emperor Wen commented that he could not kill Gao soon after killing Yu and Wang, and therefore only reduced Gao to commoner rank. In winter 599, Emperor Wen created Ashina Rangan Qimin Khan, and commissioned Zhangsun Sheng to build the city of Dali (大利, in modern Hohhot) to house Ashian Rangan's people, and also sent an army to protect Ashina Rangan.

By now, the Princess Anyi had died, and Emperor Wen married another daughter of a clansman, whom he created the Princess Yicheng ( 義成公主), to marry Ashina Rangan. Soon thereafter, Ashina Yongyulü was assassinated, bi wen jun Ashina Dianjue declared himself Bujia Khan. In summer 600, Ashina Dianjue attacked Ashina Rangan, and Sui forces fought off Ashina Dianjue's attack, further causing Ashina Rangan to be grateful to Sui.

In fall 600, with Yang Guang and Yang Su forming a faction, with tacit support of Empress Dugu, they had Yang Yong's associate Ji Wei ( 姬威) falsely accuse Yang Yong of plotting treason. Emperor Wen deposed Yang Yong and replaced him with Yang Guang. Emperor Wen also put a number of officials whom he believed to be part of Yang Yong's faction, including Shi and Yuan Min ( 元旻) the Duke of Wuyuan, to death. Renshou era [ edit ] In 602, Empress Dugu died, and Emperor Wen was greatly saddened.

Thereafter, he began to engage in sexual relations with his concubines, favoring Consort Chen and Consort Cai. Also in 602, Yang Guang, believing that Yang Xiu would eventually create trouble for him, had Yang Su collect evidence of Yang Xiu's wastefulness and use of items that were only appropriate for emperors. Yang Su submitted the evidence to Emperor Wen, and Emperor Wen, in anger, recalled Yang Xiu to the capital.

After Yang Xiu arrived at the capital, Yang Guang further manufactured evidence that Yang Xiu had cursed Emperor Wen and Yang Liang. In anger, Emperor Wen reduced Yang Xiu to commoner rank and put him under house arrest. In 603, Ashina Dianjue, faced with rebellions from the Tiele and Pugu ( 僕骨) tribes, surrendered to Ashina Rangan.

By now, Ashina Rangan became the undisputed khan of the Göktürks. In spring 604, Emperor Wen, as per his custom, went to Renshou Palace to avoid the heat, despite warnings from the sorcerer Zhangchou Taiyi ( 章仇太翼) that if he went, he would never return. While there, he grew ill, and in fall 604, he died. He was buried at the Yangling District's Tailing ( 泰陵) tumulus mausoleum, with Empress Dugu (though not in the same burial chamber).

How Emperor Wen died, however, is a matter of historical controversy. Most traditional historians relay and believe an account in which, while Emperor Wen was ill, Yang Guang tried to rape Consort Chen. When she reported the attempted rape to Emperor Wen, he became angry and had the officials Liu Shu (柳述, the husband of his daughter Yang Awu ( 楊阿五) the Princess Lanling) and Yuan Yan ( 元巖) the Duke of Longgu summon Yang Yong, intending to restore him.

When Yang Guang found out, he, in association with Yang Su, had Liu and Yuan arrested, and then sent his associate Zhang Heng ( 張衡) to kill Emperor Wen, and Zhang did bi wen jun.

Soon thereafter, he forced Consorts Chen and Cai to become his concubines and had Yang Yong put to death, and only then announced Emperor Wen's death and took the throne (as Emperor Yang). The historian Sima Guang, in his Zizhi Tongjian, borrowing parts of analyses from the Book of Sui and the History of the Northern Dynasties, opined: Gaozu [Emperor Wen's temple name] was by nature cautious and solemn, and he always made sure that his orders are carried out, whether it be an order for an affirmative act or for a prohibition.

He got up early in the morning to host imperial gatherings, and he would not appear tired even after noon. Although he was himself stingy, but he did not hold back his awards when rewarding the people with accomplishments. He gave much compensation to the families of soldiers who died in battle, and sent messengers to comfort them.

He loved his people, encouraging them to till the field and grow mulberries, and decreasing their labor and tax burdens. He himself lived simply and frugally, and the vessels and clothes he used, even after they became bi wen jun out, continued to be patched and used. Except at feasts, his meals would contain a single meat dish. The clothes of the palace women were continued to be used even after they were washed. Based on his influence, during his reign, men only wore cotton and cloth, not silk, and their decorations were made of copper, iron, bones, and horns, not gold, silver, or gemstones.

There were bountiful productions of food and textile, so much so that the storage was insufficient for them. At the start of his reign, the census rolls only had less than four million households, but at the end of his reign, there were almost nine million households, and Ji Province [(冀州, roughly modern Hengshui, Hebei)] by itself contained one million households.

However, he was suspicious, critical, and picky, believing many alienating words of his officials. Therefore, even of those with the most accomplishments and his old friends, not one was able to maintain the relationship from start to end.

He even treated his own sons as enemies. These were his faults. Emperor Wen also established seven orchestras comprising musicians from across Asia at his court; these orchestras were expanded to nine by his son Emperor Yang of Sui.

Family [ edit ] Consorts and Issue: • Empress Wenxian, of the Henan Dugu clan ( 文獻皇后 河南獨孤氏; 544–602), personal name Jialuo ( 伽羅) • Princess Leping ( 樂平公主; 561–609), personal name Lihua ( 麗華), first daughter • Married Yuwen Yun (559–580) in 573, and had issue (one daughter) • Princess Xiang ( 襄公主) • Married Li Changya, Duke Heyang ( 李長雅) • Yang Yong, Prince of Fangling ( 房陵王 楊勇; 568–604), first son • Yang Guang, Emperor Yang ( 煬皇帝 楊廣; 569–618), second son • Princess Guangping ( 廣平公主) • Married Yuwen Jingli, Duke Ande ( 宇文靜禮), and had issue (two sons) • Yang Jun, Prince Xiao of Qin ( 秦孝王 楊俊; 571–600), third son • Unnamed daughter • Yang Xiu, Prince of Shu ( 蜀王 楊秀; 573–618), fourth son • Princess Lanling ( 蘭陵公主; 573–604), fifth daughter • Married Wang Fengxiao ( 王奉孝; d.

583) in 580 • Married Liu Shu of Hedong, Duke Jian'an ( 河東 柳述) in 585 • Yang Liang, Prince of Han ( 漢王 楊諒; 575–605), fifth son • Furen, of the Yingchuan Chen clan ( 宣華夫人 潁川陳氏; 577–605) • Furen, of the Cai clan ( 容华夫人 蔡氏) Ancestry [ edit ] • ^ Creel, What Is Taoism?, 112 • ^ Howard L. Goodman (2010).

Xun Xu and the Politics of Precision in Third-Century Ad China. BRILL. pp. 81–. ISBN 978-90-04-18337-7. • ^ Bulletin. The Museum. 1992. p. 154. • ^ Jo-Shui Chen (2 November 2006). Liu Tsung-yüan and Intellectual Change in T'ang China, 773-819. Cambridge University Press. pp. 195–. ISBN 978-0-521-03010-6. • ^ Peter Bol (1 August 1994).

"This Culture of Ours": Intellectual Transitions in T?ang and Sung China. Stanford University Press. pp. 505–. ISBN 978-0-8047-6575-6. • ^ Asia Major. Institute of History and Philology of the Academia Sinica. 1995. p. 57. • bi wen jun R. W.

L. Guisso (December 1978). Wu Tse-T'len and the politics of legitimation in T'ang China. Western Washington. p.

242. ISBN 978-0-914584-90-2. • ^ Book of Sui, vol. 1. • ^ a b Wright 1979, 57 harvnb error: no target: CITEREFWright1979 ( help).

Bibliography [ edit ] • Wright, Arthur F. (1979). "The Sui dynasty (581–617)". In Twitchett, Dennis (ed.). The Cambridge History of China, Volume 3: Sui and T'ang China, 589–906 AD, Part 1. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 48–149. ISBN 978-0-521-21446-9.

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Various coins from the late Qing dynasty produced under the Qianlong, Guangxu and Xuantong Emperors. Qing dynasty coinage ( traditional Chinese: 清朝貨幣; simplified Chinese: 清朝货币; pinyin: Qīngcháo Huòbì; Manchu: ᡩᠠᡳᠴᡳᠩ ᠵᡳᡴᠠ; Möllendorff: Daicing jiha) was based on a bimetallic standard of copper and silver coinage. The Manchu-led Qing dynasty was established in 1636 and ruled over China proper from 1644 until it was overthrown by the Xinhai Revolution in 1912.

[1] [2] The Qing dynasty saw the transformation of a traditional cash coin based cast coinage monetary system into a modern currency system with machine-struck coins, while the old traditional silver ingots would slowly be replaced by silver coins based on those of the Mexican peso.

[3] [4] After the Qing dynasty was abolished its currency was replaced by the Chinese yuan of bi wen jun Republic of China. Contents • 1 Later Jin dynasty coinage (1616–1636) • 2 History • 2.1 Early history • 2.2 Kangxi era • 2.3 Yongzheng era • 2.4 Qianlong era • 2.5 Jiaqing era • 2.6 Daoguang era • 2.7 Inflation during the 19th century • 2.8 Tongzhi era • 2.9 Modernisation under the Guangxu Emperor • 2.10 Coinage under the Xuantong Emperor • 3 Copper coinage • 3.1 Purchasing power of cash coins during the Qing dynasty • 3.2 Effects of the global devaluation of silver on cash coins • 3.3 Effects of the scarcity of copper-alloy cash coins on the economic prospects of rural China during the late 19th century • 3.4 Machine-struck cash coins and other milled coinages • 3.5 Counterfeit machine-struck coins • 4 Cash coins made from other metals • 4.1 Iron cash coins • 4.2 Lead cash coins • 4.3 Zinc cash coins • 5 List of cash coins issued by the Qing dynasty • 6 Silver coinage • 6.1 Status of silver during the Qing dynasty • 6.2 Imperial government produced silver coinages • 6.2.1 Government produced silver coins during the Qianlong era • 6.2.2 Government produced silver coins during the Daoguang era • 6.2.3 Government produced silver coins during the Xianfeng era • 6.2.4 Government produced silver coins during the Guangxu era • 6.2.5 Government produced silver coins during the Xuantong era • 6.3 Provincial and private silver coinages • 6.3.1 Provincial silver coins based on foreign coins circulating in China • 6.3.2 1910 Yunnan "spring dollars" • 6.3.3 Bi wen jun production of silver coinage • 6.4 Names of weights and standards of Chinese silver ingots • 7 Gold coinage • 8 Mint marks • 8.1 Chinese mint marks • 8.2 Manchu mint marks • 8.3 Chinese, Manchu, and Uyghur mint marks • 9 Tibetan coinage under the Qing • 10 Xinjiang • 11 Commemorative coins • 12 Vault protector coins of the Qing dynasty • 13 Foreign silver "dollars" circulating in the Qing dynasty • 13.1 Early trade prior to the establishment of the Qing • 13.2 Names used by the Chinese for foreign silver coins • 13.3 Spanish dollars and Mexican pesos from the Philippines • 13.4 Other foreign silver coins • 14 See also • 15 Notes • 16 References • 17 Sources • 18 External links Later Jin dynasty coinage (1616–1636) [ edit ] See also: Jin dynasty coinage (1115–1234) Prior to the establishment of the Qing dynasty, the Aisin Gioro clan established the Later Jin dynasty, named after the Jin dynasty of the Wanyan clan.

[5] Nurhaci had united the many tribes of the Jianzhou and Haixi Jurchens under the leadership of the Aisin Gioro clan, [6] and later ordered the creation of Manchu script based on the Mongolian vertical script. [7] [8] In 1636, Hong Taiji renamed the realm to "Great Qing", [9] and the Jurchen people into the Manchu people, while adopting policies which fostered ethnic inclusivity. [10] [11] In 1616, the Later Jin began producing their own cash coins, the coins issued under Nurhaci were written in an older version of Manchu script without any diacritics, and generally bigger than Later Jin coins with Chinese inscriptions.

Under Hong Taiji these coins bore the legend that they had a nominal weight of 10 qián (or 1 tael) modelled after contemporary Ming dynasty coinage, but in reality weighed less. The following coins were issued by the Later Jin: [12] Inscription Latin script Denominations Years of mintage Image Khan Manchu: ᠠᠪᡴᠠᡳ ᡶᡠᠯᡳᠩᡤᠠ ᡥᠠᠨ ᠵᡳᡴᠠ Abkai fulingga han jiha 1 wén 1616–1626 Abkai fulingga Khan 天命通寳 Tiān Mìng Tōng Bǎo 1 wén 1616–1626 Abkai fulingga Khan Manchu: ᠰᡠᡵᡝ ᡥᠠᠨ ᠨᡳ ᠵᡳᡴᠠ Sure han ni jiha 10 wén 1627–1643 Sure Khan History [ edit ] See also: Paper money of the Qing dynasty § History In 1644, the Qing dynasty captured Bi wen jun from the Shun dynasty, bi wen jun and then marched south capturing the forces loyal to the Ming.

[14] One of the first monetary policies they enacted was accepting Ming dynasty cash coins at only half the value of Qing dynasty cash coins, because of this Ming era coinage was removed from circulation to be melted into Qing dynasty coinage, this is why in modern times even Song dynasty coins are more common than those from the more recent Ming dynasty. [14] Early history [ edit ] A Shùn Zhì Tōng Bǎo (順治通寶) coin, the first series of Qing dynasty coins minted outside of Manchuria.

At first the Qing government set the exchange rate between bronze and silver at 1 wén of bronze per lí (釐, or 厘) of silver, and 1000 lí of silver would be 1 tael (两), thus one string of 1000 bronze cash coins equated to a single tael of silver. [15] The Shunzhi Emperor created the Ministry of Revenue and the Ministry of Public Works in Beijing to oversee the casting of bronze cash coins, [16] these ministries produced 400,000 strings of cash coins annually. [14] Later the Shunzhi Emperor ordered military garrisons to start minting their own coinage, and though the official weight for cash coins was first set at 1 qián, in 1645 this increased to 1.2 qián, and by 1651 this had become 1.25 qián.

In 1660 the order was given to re-open provincial mints and have them cast their mint names in Manchu script.

[17] The standard copper-alloy was 60% copper and 40% lead and/or zinc, yet diverse market conditions dictated what would be the de facto composition.

[16] This official composition was officially changed over time, initially it was at a ratio of 3:2 (3 parts copper to 2 parts lead and zinc). [16] The coins produced under the Shunzhi Emperor were modeled after Tang dynasty Kai Yuan Tong Bao coins, as well as early Ming dynasty coins, and have a Chinese mint mark on their reverses these were produced from 1644 until 1661, though these coins had a large range of mint marks from various provinces all over China, from 1644 until 1645 there were also Shùn Zhì Tōng Bǎo (順-治通寶) coins being cast with blank reverses.

[14] Kangxi era [ edit ] Main article: Kangxi Tongbao Yongzheng era [ edit ] Under the Yongzheng Emperor various measures were undertaken to ensure a vast supply of cash coins, though the weight was increased to 1.4 qián per wén, the copper content was lowered from 60% to 50% in 1727.

In 1726 the Ministry of Revenue was split into 4 agencies each named after a wind direction, and in 1728 all provincial mints were ordered to open again as only the mint of Yunnan was operating prior to this order, and bi wen jun in 1728 the Ministry of Public Works mint was split into a "new Ministry of Public Works mint", and an "old Ministry of Public Works mint".

Though by 1733 the Qing government realised that the costs of making standard cash coins at a weight of 1.4 qián was too much, so they lowered it back to 1.2 qián. [18] In 1725 the province of Yunnan had 47 operating furnaces.

In 1726 the governour of Yunnan, Ortai made the province's coin minting industry more profitable by implementing new systems for regular, and supplemental casting as well as for casting scrap metal making sure that only regular cast coins would carry full production costs, he also closed down mints in the province with a lower production efficiency and started exporting Yunnan's coins to other provinces. This system proved so successful that other provinces started to adopt these reforms.

[19] Qianlong era [ edit ] Main article: Qianlong Tongbao Jiaqing era [ edit ] Under the Jiaqing Emperor the Chinese population had reached 300,000,000 which was twice as much as just a century prior, famines had plagued the land, the government was corrupt, and hoards bi wen jun secret Anti-Manchu organisations popped up everywhere, stability would not return until 1803 but this had come at tremendously high costs.

[20] [ page needed] The Qing government started to increase quotas for the production of copper cash coins while constantly changing the standard content of the bi wen jun beginning with 60% copper, and 40% zinc in 1796 to 54% copper, 43% zinc, and 3% lead not long after.

[21] Corruption plagued the provincial mints, and the exchange rate between cash and taels rose from 900 wén for 1 tael of silver to 1200 bi wen jun for a single tael, this was also due to a large outflow of silver to European and American merchants which pressured the Chinese monetary system. [21] Under the Jiaqing Emperor an annual quota of 2,586,000 strings of cash coins for production was set, but in reality this number was rarely met.

[21] Daoguang era [ edit ] Under the Daoguang Emperor China's silver reserves were depleting due to the trade of opium with other countries, and as Chinese cash coins were based on the silver standard this eventually lead bi wen jun the debasement of Qing era cash coinage under Daoguang because the costs of producing cast copper coins was higher by about one third than the face value of the cast coins themselves, by 1845 2,000 wén was needed for a single tael of silver.

[15] Coins produced under the Daoguang Emperor tend to be diminutive compared to earlier Qing dynasty coinage because of this reason. [22] [23] Under the Daoguang Bi wen jun a new mint was established at Kucha in the Xinjiang province with coins cast there bearing the mark "庫" as well as coins with the reverse side inscription of "新" to circulate within the aforementioned province that was far away from China proper.

[24] Lin Zexu suggested in the year 1833 to create a series of Daoguang Tongbao (道光通寶) cash coins with a weight of 0.5 tael, and that two of these cash coins would be exchangeable for one tael of silver. [12] But this proposal was not adopted. [12] Inflation during the 19th century [ edit ] Main article: Daqian Tongzhi era [ edit ] For the first year of the Tongzhi Emperor he bore the reign name of "Qixiang" (祺祥), though a few coins with this inscription were cast they were never put into circulation.

While the reign title "Qixiang" the 10 wén Daqian continued to be produced, for a brief period of time Daqian with the inscription Qixiang Zhongbao (祺祥重寶) were produced.

[25] Because the Qixiang era name wasn't used for that long, cash coins with this era date were cast for such a short time, that bi wen jun a small number of the government mints produced cash coins with this inscription.These mints included the Ministry of Public Works Mint (寶源), the Ministry of Revenue Mint (寶泉), the Yunnan mint (寶雲), the Gansu mint (寶鞏), and the Suzhou mint (寶蘇).

Tongzhi's mother the Empress Dowager Cixi changed his reign name to Tongzhi in 1862. [14] Tongzhi's reign saw the end of the Taiping rebellion and the beginning of a large Muslim revolt in Xinjiang.

[14] The era also saw the rise of the Self-Strengthening Movement which wanted to adopt western ideas into practice in China including reforming the monetary system. [26] The coins produced under the Tongzhi Emperor remained of inferior quality with the 10 wén coin being reduced from 4.4 to 3.2 qián in 1867. [27] Copper shortages remained and illegal casting would only become a larger problem as the provincial mints remained closed or barely productive.

The first machine-struck cash coins were also produced under the Tongzhi Emperor in Paris at the request of governour Zuo Zongtang in 1866, but the government of the Qing refused to introduce machine-made coinage. [28] Modernisation under the Guangxu Emperor [ edit ] A postcard from 1900 showing the contemporary circulating Guangxu era Chinese coinage. Under the Guangxu Emperor various attempts at reforming the Qing dynasty's currency system were implemented.

Machine-made copper coins without square holes were introduced in Guangdong in 1899, [29] and by 1906 15 machine operated mints operated in 12 provinces. The introduction of these machine-struck coins marked the beginning of the end of coin casting in China. In 1895 the Guangzhou Machine Mint had 90 presses becoming the largest mint in the world followed by the British Royal Mint with only 16 presses.

Many provinces were still slow to adopt machine mints, often due to the high costs associated with them, the machine mint of Tianjin cost 27,000 taels of silver but the cost of making a single string of machine-struck 1 qián cash coins more than twice as high as their face value forcing the Tianjin mint to buy more furnaces until it eventually had to close down in 1900.

[30] Guangxu's reign saw the reclamation of Xinjiang and the presuming of minting red cash there, while Japanese experts revitalised the copper mining industry in Yunnan and many new veins of copper were discovered giving the government more resources to cast (and later strike) coins again.

[14] The new coins often bore the inscription Guāng Xù Yuán Bǎo (光緒元寶) with an image of a Dragon and featured English, Chinese, and Manchu inscriptions. Further these coins tended to have their relation with China's older coinages (most often with cash coins) on the bottom, or their value in relation to silver coinage, and the Manchu words indicated the place of mintage.

[14] Meanwhile, the 10 wén "traditional" cash coins were discontinued as the production of these more modern coins began. [31] In 1906 the General Mint of the Ministry of the Interior and Finance in Tianjin started issuing a new copper coin called the Dà Qīng Tóng Bì (大清銅幣), which like Guāng Xù Yuán Bǎo coins featured the image of bi wen jun Chinese dragon, and had English, Chinese, and Manchu inscriptions with the English inscription reading "Tai-Ching-Ti-Kuo Copper Coin" in Wade-Giles, coins minted under the Guangxu Emperor featured the inscription of the Chinese characters Guāng Xù Nián Zào (光緒年造).

[14] These coins were minted in denominations of 2 wén, 5 wén, 10 wén, and 20 wén and would soon be issued by various mints across the Chinese provinces. [14] These coins were first issued by the Ministry of the Interior and later by the Ministry of Revenue and Expenditure. [14] Coinage under the Xuantong Emperor [ edit ] Brass and silver coins issued under the Xuantong Emperor. Under the Xuantong Emperor both traditional copper cash coins, and modern machine-struck coins continued to be minted simultaneously, though only the Ministry of Revenue in Beijing and a few provincial mints continued to cast traditional cash coins as most mints had started to exclusively produce machined coins, and Kucha was the only mint still operating in Xinjiang casting "red cash" under the Xuantong Emperor.

[14] Under the Xuantong Emperor Beijing's 2 central government operated mints would close. [14] In 1910 new machine-made coins were issued. [14] New denominations introduced in 1910 include: [14] Denomination (in Traditional Chinese) Denomination (in English) Obverse image Reverse image 一厘 1 lí 五厘 5 lí 一分 1 fēn 二分 2 fēn 壹圓 1 yuán These denominations weren't produced in large numbers as the Qing bi wen jun would be overthrown by the Xinhai revolution only a year later.

[32] By the end of the Bi wen jun dynasty the government's attempts at modernising the monetary system had failed and machined coins circulated alongside traditional coinages, this situation would continue under the Republic of China. [14] Copper coinage [ edit ] Bi wen jun also: Zhiqian During the Qing dynasty period, the Chinese monetary system was a bimetallic system where both copper-alloy cash coins and silver circulated simultaneously.

[15] The copper-alloy currency during most of the Qing dynasty period consisted solely of cash coins with a denomination of 1 wén, which could be strung together into strings of 1,000 cash coins for larger payments. [15] While strings officially consisted of 1,000 cash coins, normally it would contain only around 980 copper-alloy cash coins. [33] [15] A standard piece of copper-alloy cash coin in the 18th century weighted 0.12 tael, containing between 50%–70% of pure copper, and other metals bi wen jun its alloy such as zinc and lead.

[15] The copper coinage of the Qing dynasty was officially set at an exchange rate of 1000 wén (or cash coins) for one tael of silver, however actual market rate often changed from low as 700 wén for 1 tael of silver to as high as 1200 wén for a single tael of silver during the 19th century. The actual exchange rates were dependent on a variety of factors such as the quantity of the coinage on the market and quality of individual coins.

Most government cast coinage entered the market through soldiers. [34] [35] Because all copper-alloy cash coins of the Qing dynasty had both uniform shapes and weights, the denomination of the cash coins were not written down anywhere on the coins themselves, this was because for most of their history, a cash coin was always valued at 1 wén and payments were processed by counting the number of cash coins.

[15] The government of the Qing dynasty monopolised the production of copper-alloy cash coins, which constituted less than 20% of the total money circulating in China at the time, as well as the mining of copper, while the government allowed for the market to determine the price of silver. [15] Because casting is a very simple process many private (illegal) mints started producing fake cash coins known as Sīzhùqián (私鑄錢) because government mints often couldn't meet the market's demand for money, as there barely was a difference in quality between "real" or Zhìqián (制錢) and "fake" coins, the sizhuqian were just as widely accepted by the general population as means of payment.

[12] Though barter had remained common during most of the Qing era, by the mid 19th century the Chinese market had evolved to be highly monetised. [12] Due to the inflation caused by various military crises under the Xianfeng Emperor new larger denomination cash coins were issued, cash coins of 4 wén and higher being referred to as Dàqián (大錢).

[12] The cash coins produced by the two imperial mints located in Beijing and the provincial and regional mints usually fulfilled different functions. [15] The local mints mostly produced cash coins for the payment of the salaries of the Bannermen and the bi wen jun of workers on government construction projects. [15] The imperial mints (known as the Baoyuan Mint and Baoquan Mint) situated in the capital city of Beijing were the two most important ones in operation during the Qing dynasty period: [15] their output of copper-alloy cash coins sustained the demands of the market, not only in Beijing itself, but also in the part of northern China situated near the capital city.

[15] The minting of copper-alloy cash coinage was decentralised due to the very high transaction cost of moving large amounts of metallic coins (and especially heavy copper-alloy cash coins that tended to have small values). [15] Sometimes the production of copper coinage at provincial state mints was suspended but minting at the imperial mints in Beijing was always ensured by the Qing government.

[15] By the late Qing dynasty it had become apparent that carrying strings of cash coins was inconvenient compared to modern currencies. In 1900, 8 shillings converted into 32.6587 kilograms of copper cash coins and it was noted that if one of the straw strings holding the coins would break that it would cost more picking those coins up in time than the value retrieved from those coins.

This was one of the many different factors leading Chinese people to more readily accept the modernisation of the currency. [14] [36] [37] When comparing the contemporary Chinese monetary system of the Qing dynasty period with that of medieval Europe it shows that in both cases the chronic shortage of low-denomination coinages seems to be more an aspect of economic theory than actual history, as the gap that emerges between the legal tender (or nominal) value and the intrinsic metallic value will always be followed either by counterfeiting or by melting the currency down.

[15] [38] [39] [40] [41] [42] Purchasing power of cash coins during the Qing dynasty [ edit ] At the time Wu Jingzi's the Scholars was written in the 18th century 3 wén could buy a steamed bun, 4 wén could buy school food, 16 wén was enough for one bowl of noodles, and the annual tuition fee for school could be covered by 2,400 wén, but due to inflation the purchasing power of cash coins would decline in the next century.

[43] Period Amount of rice for 1000 wén (or 1 string of cash coins) [43] 1651–1660 99.6 kg 1681–1690 136 kg 1721–1730 116 kg 1781–1790 57.3 kg 1811–1820 bi wen jun kg 1841–1850 21.6 kg Effects of the global devaluation of silver on cash coins [ edit ] Traditionally, scholars of the monetary history of the Qing dynasty, and the Far East as a whole, have often debated whether or not the inflow or outflow of silver leads to an economic boom or an economic depression.

[44] [45] [46] [15] Proponents of the classic bimetallic system would suggest that having two metals would dampen the shocks that result from a shortage of either one of the metals used in the economy for doing transactions with and would therefore stabilise the currency system. [15] Besides the movement and flow of physical silver, the price of silver also had an effect on trade and the general economy.

[15] Theoretically, "cheap silver" (a term used to denote the relatively low price of silver in international market) can be taken in a bimetallic system or a silver standard system as a sudden and exogenous currency devaluation, and this would then indicate favourable terms of trade for silver standard countries as the devaluation of silver would encourage exports as the price of goods have been reduced, thus making it more favourable for foreign merchants to purchase bi wen jun goods.

[47] [48] [15] The economy and monetary situation of the Qing dynasty from the 1870s onwards seem to contradict this hypothesis. [15] During the 1870s many countries around the world replaced the silver standard with the gold standard, causing old silver coinages to be demonetised lowering the price of silver on a global scale.

[15] The demonetisation of silver in many countries not only led to a drop in the price of silver, but also increased the volatility of its price, the unstable exchange also offset some of the benefit from silver depreciation.

{INSERTKEYS} [15] The new silver deposits discovered in the Rocky Mountains in the United States and Canada also contributed to the price drop. [15] Countries like Japan, Nguyễn Vietnam, and British India all benefited from this price reduction, but Qing China did not enjoy the benefits as much as other countries. [49] [15] In fact the Qing dynasty, while enjoying greater exports, began to import more during this period leading to a trade deficit.

[15] In Chongqing alone the value of foreign merchandise had fallen off by over Hk.Tls 1,250,000 in just a sort period of time because of the global devaluing of silver.

[15] During this period the general price of Chinese exports would increase because of the volatile silver price compared to both gold and copper, these increased prices further offset the depreciation benefit of the cheaper silver price.

[50] [15] During this period most Chinese exports were in fact rural products whose prices were quoted in copper-alloy cash coins; the prices of these goods were then translated into silver at the point where they would be exported to other countries.

[51] [15] A depreciation of the silver meant that the cheaper exchange rate between silver and copper-alloy cash coins would make these exports more expensive, despite the rural prices remaining relatively stable.

[15] The sudden and permanent decrease of the global price of silver had greatly destabilised the price relationship between copper and silver in China which was the basis for its bimetallic system, and therefore this depreciation challenged the entire monetary system of the Qing dynasty and would push it to be drastically changed.

[15] During this period the rural Chinese hinterland began to develop more cash crops for export as more treaty ports were forced to open, and while formerly it were the coastal regions that had a more export-oriented economy, the Chinese hinterland started to focus more on export.

[15] Traditionally, Chinese farmers sold their produce to middlemen who would then sell the products in treaty ports, but the "cheap silver" had made it more expensive for the middlemen to purchase these goods and the farmers would be less likely to accept silver for their products the further away from commercial cities or from the well-developed financial facilities they were.

[15] The higher exchange rate between silver and copper-alloy cash coins favouring the latter caused deflation and made the business of the middlemen less profitable.

[15] The government also minted less copper-alloy cash coins during this period because of the high cost of minting them, which further contributed to the shortage of copper-alloy cash coins in the Chinese economy.

[15] While the trade impact of the global "cheap silver" was largely confined to the coastal areas, the monetary impact of "cheap silver" was felt nationwide. [52] [53] [15] A drop in the price of silver had further aggravated the shortage of copper-alloy cash coinage: the imperial mints in Beijing then consequently suspended the production of copper-alloy cash coinage due to the increased cost of production; [15] and the existing cash as "undervalued money" ( Gresham's law) were then melted down for their intrinsic value.

Additionally, the provision of cash coinage was a centralised decision which was also implemented by regional governments throughout China. [15] Because of these factors the Chinese were not able to seize the opportunity to increase their exports due to the "cheap silver" as Japan, India, and Vietnam had. [15] In fact, rather than being an opportunity for China, "cheap silver" presented itself as a challenge for China, especially for the Chinese bimetallic monetary system.

[15] Despite a large silver inflow to treaty ports and urban centres throughout China, the vast Chinese rural population was now suffering from a shortage of copper-alloy cash coins. [15] Only when the Chinese copper coinage was adequately depreciated could the trade benefits presented by "cheap silver" be realised and benefit the economy of the Qing dynasty.

[15] This could only be realised by once again devaluing the copper coinage. [15] Effects of the scarcity of copper-alloy cash coins on the economic prospects of rural China during the late 19th century [ edit ] Due to the prevalence of "cheap silver" (an enormous decrease of the global price of silver) the copper-alloy cash coin-based economy of China suffered deflation which discouraged the export of Chinese products. [15] International trade was further discouraged because of the scarcity of copper-alloy cash coins in rural China during the late 19th century.

[15] This scarcity not only discouraged international trade, but also long-distance exchanges within China because of the deflationary pressure. [15] Furthermore, this scarcity of small denomination copper-alloy cash coins in China was having a negative impact on daily transactions, especially in the inland rural areas where absolutely no business was done in silver and the local people had an inelastic demand for these coins.

[15] The rural Chinese workers tended to only receive their salaries in copper-alloy cash coins and would pay their taxes in silver using the official government set exchange rates between the two metal currencies.

[15] When the scarcity started causing deflation the rural workers would receive lower salaries, but the government kept maintaining a relatively high exchange rate between the two currencies.

[15] According to reports published by provincial governors in the year 1896, the official exchange rate between copper-alloy cash coins and silver was 2200 wén for only 1 tael of silver; [15] while at the time a tael of silver traded on the private market for 1600 wén to 1700 wén.

[15] "A real difficulty the government has to face is the scarcity of copper cash – a difficulty which is likely to increase, as the intrinsic value of the cash as metal is actually greater than that of the silver for which they at present exchange.

The copper money purchasable for a tael of silver costs the Government for metal (copper and zinc) not less that Tls. 1,354, which does not include the cost of minting. This condition has not only restricted coinage but has resulted in a serious disappearance of the coins, due to melting down for the sake of the copper. The number of cash exchanged for a tael in Shanghai has fallen since 1892 from 1,400 to 1,170, and a further fall is to be feared." [a] – Imperial Customs Service (1898).

[15] This imbalance further resulted in permanent changes in the prices of goods and services relative to the other metal. [15] The money stock was also affected as the amount of silver coinages in circulation kept increasing, while the stock of copper-alloy cash coins was surely decreasing, leading to even greater deflation in copper-based markets.

[15] As a result, the mints operated by the government of the Qing dynasty saw less motivation to produce more copper-alloy cash coins as they were now more expensive to make, as it now cost more silver to import sufficient amounts of copper for their production. [54] [15] The imperial government would continue to try to maintain the official exchange rate between copper-alloy cash coins and silver, but this only made copper-alloy cash coins into an "undervalued currency" and further discouraged it from circulating as people would hoard the coins driving them out of the market, further increasing their relative scarcity to silver (as is described by Gresham's law).

[15] This severely negatively affected the economy of rural areas where copper-alloy cash coins circulated as the principal (if not only) currency and was used in high frequency for the daily transactions of most (if not all) people in these regions. [15] It has always been a challenge for the imperial Chinese government to debase the copper coinage to make its production more adorable.

This was because debased coinages will be discounted on the market and always invite widespread counterfeiting. [15] The solution to this problem was by introducing new machine-struck coinages that were produced by steam powered machines, this would make it more difficult for counterfeiters to produce fake coinages as the initial costs to purchase the machines needed for counterfeiting were very high and discouraged many would-be counterfeiters.

[15] The new technology allowed the Qing government to cast high-quality, standardised coins with machined edges. [15] Therefore the new technology provided a for the government of the Qing dynasty a way to mint sufficient token coins at an affordable cost without inviting forgers to debase the new coinages even further.

[15] While the new technology allowed the Qing government to mint sufficient amounts of copper-alloy coins at an affordable cost, the new technology wasn't implemented throughout China at the same time as some provinces would adopt the technology later. [15] Initially the new machine-struck coinages were well received where they were introduced, which helped other provincial mints adopt the new technology faster.

[15] Machine-struck cash coins and other milled coinages [ edit ] Main article: Da-Qing Tongbi Counterfeit machine-struck coins [ edit ] Not long after these new copper coins were introduced, black market counterfeit versions of the 10 wén appeared, illegal mints opened all over China and started producing more coins than the Qing government's set quotas allowed there to be circulating on the market. Both Chinese and foreigners soon started producing struck cash coins of inferior quality often with traces of the Korean 5 fun coins they were overstruck on, or with characters and symbols not found on official government issued coins.

These coins were often minted by Korean businessmen and former Japanese Samurai looking to make a profit on exchanging the low value copper coins into silver dollars as a single silver dollar had the purchasing power of 1000 Korean fun. The majority of the counterfeit coins bear the inscription that they were minted in either Zhejiang or Shandong, but they circulated all over the coastal regions of China. Cash coins made from other metals [ edit ] Iron cash coins [ edit ] An iron Xianfeng Zhongbao (咸豐重寶) cash coin of 10 wén.

During the second month of the year 1854 the government of the Qing dynasty supplemented the already debased coinage system with iron cash coins. [15] The intrinsic value of iron cash coins was substantially lower than that of even the copper-alloy Zhiqian and Daqian.

[15] The aim the government had with the introduction of iron cash coins was to provide small change for a market that highly demanded it, as the Chinese market was already flooded with large denomination cash coinage and the Zhiqian 1 wén cash coins) by this point had become a rarity.

[15] The denominations of the newly introduced iron cash coins included 1 wén, 5 wén, and 10 wén. [15] The intrinsic value of the 1 wén iron cash coin represented a debasement of 70% compared to the copper-alloy 1 wén Zhiqian. The market price of iron in 1854 was 40 wén (in Zhiqian) per catty. [15] A catty of iron could be cast into 133 1 wén iron cash coins, or 66 5 wén iron cash coins (which would have a total nominal value of 330 wén), or 53 10 wén iron cash coins (which would have a total nominal value of 530 wén).

[15] Disregarding the cost of manufacturing the Chinese itself, a 1 wén iron cash coin indicated a debasement of 70%. [15] Iron cash coins were easily produced with iron scrap, which on the market cost 15 wén per catty in 1854. [15] While initially iron cash coins were mainly minted by the Ministry of Revenue mint and Ministry of Public Works mint in Beijing, afterwards the government of the Qing dynasty established a specific iron cash coins mint, known as the iron cash office (鐵錢局).

[15] The iron cash office also stored the iron cash coins. [15] While the actual production numbers of iron cash coins remains unclear because of the limited entries about them in the records maintained by the Qing treasury, Peng Xinwei estimated, based on information he had gathered from Qing government memorials, that there had been an average annual production of 1,808,160 strings of iron cash coins between the year 1854 and 1855 and an annual production of 1,360,920 strings of iron cash coins during the years 1856 until 1859.

[15] In January of the year 1855 the province of Zhili started casting iron cash coins, a trial casting for a single year was to deliver 120,000 strings of standard cash coins to be brought to Beijing. [55] This work was then carried out by one of the Chinese branch mints with 10 furnaces that was located just outside of the western suburbs of Baoding by the Lingyu Temple (靈雲宮).

[55] In May of the year 1857, the four existing copper furnaces of the main Zhili provincial mint in Baoding were altered to be iron cash coin furnaces and a new iron cash coin furnace added, while at the same time 10 new furnaces for the production of iron cash coins was added to the Zhili branch mint. [55] The Zhili provincial mint had ceased the production of 10 wén iron cash coins in June 1857. [55] Iron cash coin mints were also planned to be opened in the cities of Tianjin, Zhengding, and Daming for the production of 1 wén iron cash coins, but only Zhengding had established a mint for iron cash coins which had 10 furnaces in operation.

[55] In July of the year 1859 there were a total of 35 furnaces for the production of iron cash coins in the cities of Baoding and Zhengding and at that time around 1,000,000 strings of iron cash coins had been cast at both mints.

[55] Because the Chinese people weren't using iron cash coins it was reported that 30 furnaces in Zhengding (which presumably also includes the furnaces of the Zhili provincial branch mint) were to be closed. [55] In November 1859, the remaining 5 iron cash coin furnaces situated in Baoding were also closed.

[55] The function of iron cash coins was similar to that of Daqian, as it was primarily used as a way to continue paying the salaries of bannermen and other government workers. [15] According to Qing government memorials, large amounts of iron cash coins were used as a means to pay salaries between the years 1856 and 1857 due to a noted justification that "the Chinese public was craving for small change".

[15] By the year 1856 the iron 10 wén cash coins were so much depreciated that they were dropped out of general circulation. [15] From this point onwards only iron 1 wén cash coins would remain in general circulation, however, it was common for shops to deny them as a form of payment and there was extensive counterfeiting of iron cash coins, which further lowered the public's trust in them.

[15] Only a single entry in the Qing government archive mentions them from this point, as it is stated that in the year 1856 the government of the Qing dynasty had 431,515.849 strings of iron cash coins deposited in the imperial treasury vault.

[56] [15] This entry may be seen as supplementary evidence to suggest that copper-alloy cash coinage had almost completely disappeared in or before this year. [15] Iron cash coins would soon become valueless and the coinage was ultimately suspended in the year 1859. [15] Lead cash coins [ edit ] It was reported in the records of the Qing dynasty that lead cash coins were minted for a brief period in the year 1854, although it seems that these lead cash coins were never actually introduced into the Chinese market and therefore did not circulate.

[15] Zinc cash coins [ edit ] In July 1854 a superintendent of the Ministry of Revenue mint reported that different metals like gold, silver, copper, iron, and zinc are alike when used and believed that if copper could be substituted for iron, iron could be substituted for zinc.

[57] The Ministry of Revenue mint initiated trial castings of zinc cash coins, but caused the mint staff to be anxious over the fact that zinc cash coinage is very brittle and easy to break.

[57] It was then decided to make cash coins with an alloy of 80% (brittle) zinc and 20% (soft) lead, as these zinc-alloy cash coins would then be better to circulate and would be more acceptable for the people. [57] It was then proposed to replace the monthly production of 2 mǎo (卯) of Zhiqian with the zinc-alloy cash coins because the Ministry of Revenue mint had zinc in store, which would immediately allow the mint to save 100,000 catty of copper.

[57] List of cash coins issued by the Qing dynasty [ edit ] See also: List of Chinese cash coins by inscription Silver coinage [ edit ] Originally imperial China was on a monometallic standard of using only bronze cash coins during most of its history, but the large influx, because of international trade, of silver during the Ming dynasty period created a bimetallic system in China. [15] From the 3rd century B.C. copper had been the paramount currency of most of China but during the 16th and 17th centuries A.D.

this had changed. [15] Silver had long been the currency for China's overseas trade until the mid-1930s. [15] China during most of the Qing dynasty period was not a silver producing country and its silver supply relied on imports from abroad. [15] It was only during the 1890s that provincial Chinese mints started producing native silver coinages.

[15] Status of silver during the Qing dynasty [ edit ] During the most of the Qing dynasty period silver circulated in China in two forms, that of silver sycees and foreign silver dollars (primarily Spanish dollars from Spanish Philippines). [15] Silver was used more in interregional trade and was more often used to pay for large transactions, furthermore it wasn't counted by denomination but by weight.

[15] The primary weight unit of silver was the tael. [15] Contrary to copper, silver was not monopolised by the government but the price of silver instead was determined by the market. [15] The tael was used both as a unit of account as well as a unit of weight, the concept is similar to " pound" and " pound sterling". [15] There were various standards for defining the weight of a tael, this was because the weighing scales varied a lot between the different regions of China and Qing government bodies.

[15] The weight unit "tael" (兩) usually varied between 33.99 and 37.50 grams, but when used as a unit of account the "silver tael" (銀兩) had many different definitions that were based in terms of purity and fineness of the silver being weighed. [15] For example, the Treasury tael (Kuping liang or Kuping tael) is the standard for taxation, the Maritime Customs tael (Haiguan liang or Haikwan tael) is the standard used in the Maritime Customs Service, the market tael (Shiping liang) is the standard used in the market in Beijing.

[15] Contrary to how the supply and demand of copper was regulated through government channels, supply and demand of silver was determined solely by the market. [15] The domestic silver production in China was generally low and the silver in China came mostly from Edo Japan and later from the Americas, mainly through international trade with foreign merchants. [58] [15] This situation of silver in Qing China is similar to that of medieval England. [15] The Kingdom of England did not produce significant amounts of silver by itself and therefore its coinage was closely associated with its overseas and international trade.

[15] The monarchs, both in imperial China and in the Kingdom of England, did not own the native silver supply. [59] [15] But unlike the English Crown, which had set up royal mints in England to strike the silver bullion into coins with a nominal (or face) value, the Chinese Emperor allowed only silver bullion itself to circulate in various forms throughout his empire.

[15] The government of the Qing dynasty provided only the standard unit (known as the Kuping tael) that a silver ingot should be melted into, which itself evolved into one of the many different "taels" that was used for silver bullion to be traded. [15] Because the purchasing power of silver bullion was so much higher than that of copper-alloy cash coins, silver was used primarily for larger transactions and long-distance trade as well as international trade, while copper-alloy cash coinage was therefore not taken as subsidiary money: [15] it was the currency for daily and smaller transactions and copper was the only currency in rural China during the Qing dynasty period.

[15] Silver also enjoyed a special status as it was also the major form of currency that was used for the payment taxes and government expenditures. [15] Because of this, the government of the Qing dynasty had attempted to establish a fixed rate for the exchange of copper-alloy cash coins and silver bullion.

[15] During the majority of the Qing dynasty period, the official ratio between silver (in taels) and copper-alloy cash coins (in wén) was maintained at 1:1,000. The ratio was later revised to 1:2,000 during the 1840s, due to the rising price of silver. [15] This theoretical official exchange rate was in practice not enforced by any government institution as because the imperial government did not coin any silver, it had no control over how silver circulated on the market.

[15] As the silver flow was primarily based on foreign trade and silver both entered and left China in large numbers, the market exchange rate between silver and copper changed drastically over time and tended to fluctuate, furthermore this exchange rate also varied from region to region. [15] Services specialising in money exchanges, known as money-changers, developed in this currency system, and the exchange normally took place in commercial centres and trade ports where different trades were frequently carried out.

[15] The currency system in China during the Qing dynasty is sometimes called a "parallel bimetallic system", to distinguish it from the more conventional model of a bimetallic system. [15] The term "parallel bimetallic system" is given to this system because it functioned more like a form of coexistence of "two currency systems, each using a different metal" than an actual bimetallic system.

[15] Also unlike real bimetallism in other countries, the actual exchange ratio between the two different metal currencies was not actually fixed; the exchange ratio tended to vary depending on time and place. [15] Imperial government produced silver coinages [ edit ] Government produced silver coins during the Qianlong era [ edit ] During the reign of the Qianlong Emperor commemorative silver coins with the portrait of the Tibetan Panchen Lama are known to have been produced.

[12] Government produced silver coins during the Daoguang era [ edit ] During the reign of the Daoguang Emperor several attempts were made in China for the native production of government backed silver coinage, the first of such attempts were tried in the year 1821.

[12] Machine-struck Chinese silver coins were known to have been first produced in the year 1822, by the modern Jilin Arsenal Mint (吉林機器局).

[12] These early milled silver coins were known as the Changpingliang (廠平兩, literally "factory tael") and only had the denomination of one tael. These silver Changpingliang were not manufactured in any high numbers and are consequently very rare today. [12] Other models of modern silver coinages, which are known as ban (板), that were known to have been produced in the cities of Guangzhou, Fuzhou, Hangzhou, Suzhou, Wuxi, and Jiangxi.

[12] The models of milled silver coins produced in Wuxi are known as xiban (錫板) and the ones produced in Jiangxi are known as tuban (土板). [12] There were also the models known as Wuzhuang (吳莊) and Xingzhuang (行莊).

[12] Another early attempt at creating a native government-produced silver Chinese coinage was made by Lin Zexu, he created a system of silver coinages known as the Yinbing (銀餅, literally "Silver cakes") which had a standard weight of 0.72 tael, but the Yinbing was eventually rejected by the Jiangsu market.

[12] The earliest known surviving modern silver coins of the Qing dynasty period were manufactured in the city of Zhangtai, Fujian. [12] There are two types of these modern silver Zhangtai coins, one featured an image, this image either consisted of Shouxing, the God of longevity, a pair of crossed Ruyi scepters, or a pair of crossed writing brushes, which are known as bibao (筆寶).

[12] The other known type of Zhangtai silver coins featured both ornaments and inscriptions, the first type of these inscribed silver coins featured the inscriptions Daoguang Nian Zhu (道光年鑄) and Zuwen Yinbing (足紋銀餅), and the indication of the value of the coin, namely the inscription Kuping Qi-Er (庫平柒弍, "0.72 Kuping tael").

[12] The reverse side of these coins featured a tripod with a Manchu language inscription indicating the mint where it was produced. [12] The coins without images were inscribed with the Chinese characters for " Junxiang" (軍餉), this inscription being a rather clear indication of the method that the government of the Qing dynasty used to throw money on the Chinese local markets.

[12] The ornaments on the second type of silver coins were mostly imitations of the decorations that are depicted on the various foreign coins that circulated in the region at the time, but sometimes these ornaments just merged Chinese characters, like jinshen (謹慎, "reverentially"). [12] These silver coins were brought into general circulation through military salaries (Junxiang), and unlike the earlier attempts were accepted by the local Jiangsu market.

[12] The date when these modern silver coins of southeast China were exactly produced remains unclear today, but they were certainly not produced before the 19th century. [12] Government produced silver coins during the Xianfeng era [ edit ] See also: Hubu Guanpiao During the Xianfeng period the government did not issue its own silver coins, but it did issue a series of banknotes that were nominally worth silver in weight (taels).

[15] Government produced silver coins during the Guangxu era [ edit ] Prior to 1 tael being standardised at 50 g. by the government of the People's Republic of China in 1959, the weight "tael" differed substantially from province to province, the Qing government maintained that 1 tael equals 37.5 g.

and this measurement was referred to as the Kuping tael (庫平两), and by official Qing government standards 1 Kuping tael = 10 Mace = 100 Candareens. Under the Guangxu Emperor several Kuping tael coins were struck in Tianjin from 1903 until 1907, and mostly served as salary for the soldiers. Despite the central government's attempts at unifying the standards provincial coinage remained the de facto standard across China. [60] Since the 1870s, silver was used both as an official form of currency in Qing China and a commodity in the international market, for this reason the international price of silver was considered to be indicative of the international exchange rate of the Chinese currency.

[15] When the global price of silver experienced a lot of fluctuation the unstable exchange rate of the Chinese currency made pricing on the Chinese market much less predictable and therefore the volatility in the pricing of silver at the time had discouraged trade.

[15] In the year 1903 the imperial Chinese government had issued a decree that was intended to standardise the Chinese silver coins in circulation, but in actuality the government decree was never really implemented. [12] The highest standard of indigenous Chinese coinages produced under Qing rule was probably achieved by the gold, silver, and copper coins produced in the city of Tianjin between the years 1906 and 1907. [12] Government produced silver coins during the Xuantong era [ edit ] Only as late as 1910 was it decided by the Qing government to have a unified national currency that would be produced in Wuchang and in Nanjing.

[12] The government of the Qing dynasty had issued a number of new regulations that would create a uniform national silver currency system. Under the Xuantong Emperor another attempt at standardising the Qing dynasty's silver coinage was made in 1911 (Xuantong 3) a large amount of "dragon dollars" bearing the inscription "壹圓" ( yīyuán) were minted, these were the only Qing dynasty coins with that inscription and also featured the English legend "One Dollar". These coins were all cast at the Central Tianjin Mint.

[61] The coin was called yuán (圓 or 元, in this context meaning "dollar") and they had a standard weight of 0.72 tael. [12] It was inscribed with the words Da-Qing Yinbi (大清銀幣) and was introduced into the Chinese market in October of the year 1910. [12] After the fall of the Qing dynasty sycees were demonetised in 1933 and Qing dynasty silver coins in 1935 as they were replaced with paper money. [62] Provincial and private silver coinages [ edit ] Provincial silver coins based on foreign coins circulating in China [ edit ] Main article: Silver Dragon (coin) 1910 Yunnan "spring dollars" [ edit ] In the year 1910 the provincial government of Yunnan issued a Chinese dragon dollar coin that is commonly known as the "Yunnan Spring dollar", the coin was issued after the government of the Qing dynasty had enacted the "Currency Regulations" (traditional Chinese: 幣制則例; simplified Chinese: 币制则例; pinyin: bì zhì zé lì) on 15 April 1910.

[63] The Yunnanese government had quickly taken the coin dies that they had been using to make the silver coins they issued in 1909 and would then engrave these new coins with an additional inscription at the top stating "Made in the Yunnan Province in the spring of the year Gengxu (1910)" (traditional Chinese: 庚戌春季雲南造; simplified Chinese: 庚戌春季云南造; pinyin: gēng xū chūn jì yún nán zào).This the only coin in the numismatic history of China that features a season of the year as part of the date.

[63] This was done because according to the traditional Chinese calendar that was in use at the time, the "spring" was a time that referred to the first 3 months of the year, January, February, and March. The centre of the obverse of the Yunnan Spring dollar contains the inscription "Xuantong Yuanbao" (宣統元寶), while on the bottom it contains the denomination of the coin as "Kuping Qi Qian Er Fen" (traditional Chinese: 庫平七錢二分; simplified Chinese: 库平七钱二分; pinyin: kù píng qī qián èr fēn, "Treasury Standard 7 Mace and 2 Candareens").

The reverse side of the coin features prominent dragon. The Yunnan mint deliberately wrote down that the coin was issued in "the spring of 1910", because the new regulations set by the imperial government wouldn't take effect until April 1910. However, the imperial Chinese government soon discovered the scheme at the Yunnan mint and quickly ordered that all these of these new "spring dollar" coins were to be withdrawn and later melted down.

In 1920 during the early Republican era it was discovered that an extremely small number of these coins had escaped being destroyed and these surviving specimens that are now known are commonly referred to as the "Yunnan Spring dollars" by Chinese numismatists and coin collectors. Only two genuine specimens are known to exist making it among the very rarest of China's coins. • In April of the year 2002 the first genuine "Yunnan Spring dollar" to appear at public auction was sold in Beijing, at the Hua Chen auction.

[63] • In 2007 the same "Yunnan Spring dollar" as above was re-sold in a Cheng Xuan sale in Beijing where the coin was sold for ¥3,192,000 ( $468,000). [63] • In August of the year 2010 the same "Yunnan Spring dollar" as above was sold at a Hong Kong auction by Michael Chou, of Champion Hong Kong Auction for $1,035,000.

Private production of silver coinage [ edit ] An illustration of various weights of privately produced silver sycees. Despite silver making up the other half of the bimetallic system of the Qing dynasty's coinage it wasn't officially produced by the government until the later period of the dynasty where the silver coins would be based on the foreign coins that already circulated in China.

[12] Government ledgers used it as a unit of account, in particular the Kuping Tael (庫平兩) was used for this. [12] For most of its history both the production and the measurements of silver was in the hands of the private market which handled the exclusive production of silver currency, the greatest amount of silver ingots in China was produced by private silversmiths (銀樓) in professional furnaces (銀爐), only a very small amount of silver ingots was issued by government-owned banks during the late 19th century.

[12] While assayers and moneychangers had control over its exchange rates, for this reason no unified system of silver currency in place in China but a series of different types of silver ingots that were used in various markets throughout the country. [12] The most common form of silver ingots (元寶 or 寶銀) in China were the "horse-hoof ingots" (馬蹄銀) and could weigh as much as fifty taels, there were also "middle-size ingots" (中錠) which usually weigh around 10 taels, "small-size ingots" (小錠) [b] that weighed between one and five taels, and "silver crumbs" (碎銀 or 銀子).

[c] [12] All freshly cast ingots were sent to official assayers (公估局) where their weight and fineness were marked with a brush. [12] However, these determinations were only valid on the local market and nowhere else do silver ingots were constantly reassessed which was the daily business of Chinese money changers. [12] In fact, silver ingots were weighed in each single transaction. [64] [12] Silver ingots were traded at different rates that were dependent on the purity of their silver content, the average ones were known as Wenyin (紋銀) or Zubao (足寶) which had (theoretical) purity of .935374, meanwhile specimens that were of higher quality and content were referred to by true surplus that was to be advanced on changing.

[12] Exempli gratia a silver ingot known as an "Er-Si Bao" (二四寶) with a weight of fifty taels was valued at 52.4 taels. [12] Likewise other silver standards in China were all geared to the Wenyin such as the Shanghai tael that used in the foreign concession of the city, for instance, was called the Jiuba Guiyuan (九八規元) because it had 98 per cent of the purity of the Shanghai standard tael (規元).

[12] The standard tael of Tianjin was called the Xinghua (行化) and that of Hankou was known as the Yangli (洋例). [64] [12] During the Xianfeng period a series of "silver cakes" (銀餅) was issued in 1856 by three private banks in the city of Shanghai, namely the Wang Yong Sheng (王永盛), Jing Zheng Ji (經正記), and Yu Sen Sheng (郁森盛).

[12] Their cakes were manufactured by steel matrices and they tended to have a weight of 1 tael and 0.5 tael. [12] Names of weights and standards of Chinese silver ingots [ edit ] The most commonly used English term to describe Chinese silver ingots is "sycee" (細絲), which comes from a Cantonese term meaning "fine weight" where the "weight" (絲, sī) represents 0.00001 tael. [12] However a large number of regional terms and names for these silver ingots existed throughout China, these names include: [64] [12] Name Traditional Chinese Simplified Chinese Region Image of a regionally produced sycee Yuansi 元絲 元丝 Southern Jiangsu and Zhejiang.

Yanche 鹽撤 盐撤 Jiangxi, Hubei, and Hunan. Xicao Shuisi 西鏪水絲 西鏪水丝 Shandong. Tucao 土鏪 土鏪 Sichuan. Liucao 柳鏪 柳鏪 Sichuan.

Huixiang 茴香 茴香 Sichuan. Yuancao 元鏪 元鏪 Shaanxi and Gansu. Beiliu 北流 北流 Guangxi. Shicao 石鏪 石鏪 Yunnan. Chahua 茶花 茶花 Yunnan. Among the aforementioned regional names other designations for sycees were Qingsi (青絲), Baisi (白絲), Danqing (單傾), Shuangqing (雙傾), Fangcao (方鏪), and Changcao (長鏪) among many others. [12] [64] Aside from the large number of names for sycees that existed in China there was also a wealth of different weight standards for taels that existed that were different from market to market.

[12] One of the larger variants of the tael was the Kuping Tael (庫平兩) which was used by the Chinese Ministry of Revenue for both weight measurements as well as a unit of account used during tax collections. [12] In 1858 a new trade tax was introduced which used the Sea Customs tael (海關兩) as a unit of account, meanwhile in Guangdong the Canton Tael (廣平兩) was used when trading with foreign merchants.

[12] Another unit of account that was used was the Grain Tribute Tael (漕平兩) which was used for measuring and accounting the tribute the imperial Chinese government received in grain. [64] [12] Gold coinage [ edit ] Golden 1 tael Da Qing Jinbi (大清金幣) coins produced under the reign of the Guangxu Emperor.

Mint marks [ edit ] In total there had been more than 50 local mints established that each bore their own unique mint marks, however several of these mints operated only for a brief time before discontinuing their casting of cash coins, mint marks on Qing dynasty coinage can be categorised into 7 main categories based on the scripts on the reverse sides of the coins: 1) only have Manchu script mint marks; 2) Only have mint marks in Chinese script with the weight of the coin in lí; 3) have both Manchu, and Chinese script mint marks; 4) only have a single Chinese character indicating the mint on the top of the reverse side; 5) Only contain the character "一" (1) on the reserve 6) have both Manchu, and Chinese scripts together on the right and left sides of the coin, plus the denomination of the denomination on the top and bottom, and 7) have Chinese, Manchu, and Arabic script together on the reverse side of the coin.

[65] Chinese mint marks [ edit ] Mint marks on coins issued from 1644 until 1661: [14] Mint mark ( Traditional Chinese) Mint mark ( Simplified Chinese) Issuing office Image 戶 户 The Ministry of Revenue, Beijing 工 工 The Ministry of Public Works, Beijing 陝 陕 Xi'an, Shaanxi 臨 临 Linqing garrison, Shandong 宣 宣 Xuanhua garrison, Zhili 延 延 Yansui garrison, Shanxi 原 原 Taiyuan, Shanxi 西 西 Shanxi provincial mint 雲 云 Miyun garrison, Zhili 同 同 Datong garrison, Shanxi 荊 荆 Jingzhou garrison, Hubei 河 河 Kaifeng, Henan 昌 昌 Wuchang, Hubei 甯 宁 Jiangning, Jiangsu 江 江 Nanchang, Jiangxi 浙 浙 Hangzhou, Zhejiang 福 福 Fuzhou, Fujian 陽 阳 Yanghe garrison, Shaanxi 襄 襄 Xiangyang, Hubei From 1653 until 1657 another type of cash coin was simultaneously cast with the above series, but these coins contained the extra inscription of "一厘" (Equals one lí of silver) on the back.

[14] They were generally minted at the same mints as the above cash coin series but weren't minted at the Yansui garrison, the Shanxi province, and the Jingzhou garrison while another mint at Jinan, Shandong was opened for these coins, with coins cast there bearing the mark "東".

[14] Additionally there were also coins cast with no mint mark that only contain the character "一" (1) on their reserves indicating their value in Ií. [14] Between 1660 and 1661 cash coins were manufactured with both a Manchu (on the left), and a Chinese (on the right) character as mint marks.

[14] The following mints produced these coins: [14] Mint mark (Traditional Chinese) Mint mark (Simplified Chinese) Issuing office Image 陝 陕 Xi'an, Shaanxi 臨 临 Linqing garrison, Shandong 宣 宣 Xuanhua garrison, Zhili 薊 蓟 Jizhou garrison, Zhili 原 原 Taiyuan, Shanxi 同 同 Datong garrison, Shanxi 河 河 Kaifeng, Henan 昌 昌 Wuchang, Hubei 甯 宁 Jiangning, Jiangsu 寧 宁 Ningbo, Zhejiang 江 江 Nanchang, Jiangxi 浙 浙 Hangzhou, Zhejiang 東 东 Jinan, Shandong Under the reign of the Kangxi Emperor coins with only Manchu reverse inscriptions and both Manchu and Chinese reverse inscriptions were cast.

[14] The coins of the Kangxi Emperor were also the basis for the coins of the Yongzheng, Qianlong, and Jiaqing Emperors. [14] Under the Kangxi Emperor coins were produced at these mints: [14] Mint mark (Traditional Chinese) Mint mark (Simplified Chinese) Issuing office Image 同 同 Datong garrison, Shanxi 福 福 Fuzhou, Fujian 臨 临 Linqing garrison, Shandong 東 东 Jinan, Shandong 江 江 Nanchang, Jiangxi 宣 宣 Xuanhua garrison, Zhili 原 原 Taiyuan, Shanxi 蘇 苏 Suzhou, Jiangsu 薊 蓟 Jizhou garrison, Zhili 昌 昌 Wuchang, Hubei 甯 宁 Jiangning, Jiangsu 河 河 Kaifeng, Henan 南 南 Changsha, Hunan 廣 广 Guangzhou, Guangdong 浙 浙 Hangzhou, Zhejiang 臺 台 Taiwan 桂 桂 Guilin, Guangxi 陝 陕 Xi'an, Shaanxi 雲 云 Yunnan 漳 漳 Zhangzhou, Fujian 鞏 巩 Gongchang, Gansu 西 西 Shanxi provincial mint 寧 宁 Ningbo, Zhejiang Manchu mint marks [ edit ] ᠪᠣᠣ ᠶᠣᠨᠨ mint mark on a Xuān Tǒng Tōng Bǎo (宣統通寶) coin indicating that it was cast in Kunming, Yunnan.

Another series of bronze cash coins was introduced with Manchu script on the reverse sides of the coin from 1657, many mints contained the Manchu word ᠪᠣᠣ (Boo) on the left, which is Manchu for "寶" (indicating " treasure" or "currency") on the obverse side of these coins.

[65] To the right of them would often appear a word indicating the issuing agency of the coin. [65] Qing dynasty coinage with exclusive Manchu mint marks are by far the most commonly produced type.

[65] Large denomination cash coins of the Xianfeng Emperor bore Manchu mint marks on the left and right sides of the reverse sides, and the value of the coin on the top and bottom.

[65] Coins with exclusive Manchu inscriptions continued to be cast until the end of the Qing dynasty. [66] [ page needed] [67] [68] [69] Manchu mint marks are: Mint mark Möllendorff Place of minting Province Time in operation Image Manchu: ᠪᠣᠣ ᠴᡳᠣᠸᠠᠨ Boo Ciowan Ministry of Revenue ( hùbù, 戶部), Beijing Zhili 1644–1911 Manchu: ᠪᠣᠣ ᠶᡠᠸᠠᠨ Boo Yuwan Ministry of Public Works ( gōngbù, 工部), Beijing Zhili 1644–1908 Manchu: ᠰᡳᡠᠸᠠᠨ Siowan Xuanfu Zhili 1644–1671 Manchu: ᠪᠣᠣ ᠰᠠᠨ Boo San Xi'an Shaanxi 1644–1908 Manchu: ᠯᡳᠨ Lin Linqing Shandong 1645–1675 Manchu: ᡤᡳ Gi Jizhou Zhili 1645–1671 1854–Unknown Manchu: ᡨᡠᠩ Tung Datong Shanxi 1645–1649 1656–1674 Manchu: ᠶᡠᠸᠠᠨ(1645–1729) ᠪᠣᠣ ᠵᡳᠨ (1729–1908) Boo Yuwan (1645–1729) Jin (1729–1908) Taiyuan Shanxi 1645–1908 Manchu: ᠶᡡᠨ Yūn Miyun Zhili 1645–1671 Manchu: ᠴᠠᠩ(1646–1729) ᡠ (1729–1908) Cang (1646–1729) U (1729–1908) Wuhan Hubei 1646–1908 Manchu: ᠪᠣᠣ ᡥᠣ Boo Ho Kaifeng Henan 1647 1729–1731 1854–1908 Manchu: ᠪᠣᠣ ᡶᡠᠩ Boo Fung Fengtian Fengtian 1647–1648 1880–1908 Manchu: ᠪᠣᠣ ᠴᠠᠩ (1647–1729) ᡤᡳᠶᠠᠩ (1729–1908) Boo Chang (1647–1729) Giyang (1729–1908) Nanchang Jiangxi 1647–1908 Manchu: ᠨᡳᠩ Ning Jiangning Jiangsu 1648–1731 Manchu: ᠪᠣᠣ ᡶᡠ Boo Fu Fuzhou Fujian 1649–1908 Manchu: ᠪᠣᠣ ᠵᡝ Boo Je Hangzhou Zhejiang 1649–1908 Manchu: ᡩᡠᠩ (1649–1729; 1887–1908) ᠪᠣᠣ ᠵᡳ (1729–1887) Dung (1649–1729; 1887–1908) Boo Ji (1729–1887) Jinan Shandong 1649–1738 1854–1870 1887–1908 Manchu: ᠪᠣᠣ ᠶᠣᠨᠨ Boo Yonn Kunming Yunnan 1653–1908 Manchu: ᠪᠣᠣ ᠴᡠᠸᠠᠨ Boo Cuwan Chengdu Sichuan 1667–1908 Manchu: ᡤᡠᠩ Gung Gongchang Gansu 1667–1740 1855–1908 Manchu: ᠪᠣᠣ ᠰᡠ Boo Su Suzhou Jiangsu 1667–1908 Manchu: ᠪᠣᠣ ᠨᠠᠨ Boo Nan Changsha Hunan 1667–1908 Manchu: ᠪᠣᠣ ᡤᡠᠸᠠᠩ Boo Guwang Guangzhou Guangdong 1668–1908 Manchu: ᠪᠣᠣ ᡤᡠᡳ Boo Gui Guilin Guangxi 1668–1908 Manchu: ᠪᠣᠣ ᡤᡳᠶᠠᠨ Boo Giyan Guiyang Guizhou 1668–1908 Manchu: ᠵᠠᠩ Jang Zhangzhou Fujian 1680–1682 Manchu: ᠪᠣᠣ ᡨᠠᡳ Boo Tai Taiwan-Fu Taiwan 1689–1740 1855–Unknown Manchu: ᠪᠣᠣ ᠠᠨ Boo An Jiangning, Jiangsu Anhui 1731–1734 Manchu: ᠪᠣᠣ ᡷᡳ Boo Jy Baoding Zhili 1745–1908 Manchu: ᠶᡝᡵᡴᡳᠶᠠᠩ Yerkiyang Yarkant Xinjiang 1759–1864 Manchu: ᡠᠰᡥᡳ Ushi Uši Xinjiang 1766–1911 Manchu: ᠪᠣᠣ ᡳ Boo I Ghulja Xinjiang 1775–1866 Manchu: ᡩᡠᠩ Dung Dongchuan Yunnan 1800–1908 Manchu: ᠪᠣᠣ ᡬᡳ Boo Gi Unknown Hebei (1851–1861) Jilin (1861–1912) 1851–1912 Manchu: ᠪᠣᠣ ᡩᡝ Boo De Jehol Zhili 1854–1858 Manchu: ᡴᠠᠰᡥᡤᠠᡵ Kashgar Kashgar Xinjiang 1855–1908 Manchu: ᠪᠣᠣ ᡩᡳ (1855–1886; 1907–1908) ᠶᡠᠸᠠᠨ (1886–1907) Boo Di (1855–1886; 1907–1908) Yuwan (1886–1907) Ürümqi Xinjiang 1855–1864 1886–1890 1907–1908 Manchu: ᡴᡠᠴᠠ Kuca Kucha Xinjiang 1857–1908 Manchu: ᠪᠣᠣ ᠵᡳᠶᡝᠨ Boo Jiyen Tianjin Zhili 1880–1908 Manchu: ᡥᡡ Hu Dagu Zhili 1880–1908 Manchu: ᠪᠣᠣ ᡠ Boo U Wuchang Hubei Manchu: ᠪᠣᠣ ᡤᡠᠩ Boo Gung Kunshan Jiangsu Manchu: ᠠᡴᠰᡠ Aksu Aksu Xinjiang Manchu: ᠪᠣᠣ ᡩᠣᠩ Boo Dong Unknown Yunnan Manchu: ᠪᠣᠣ ᠵᡳᠩ Boo Jing Unknown Hubei Chinese, Manchu, and Uyghur mint marks [ edit ] Additionally coins from the Southern Xinjiang province can also have 3 different scripts on the reverse side of the coin being Manchu, Chinese, and Arabic scripts.

[65] An example would be a coin from Aksu would have the Chinese 阿 on top, the Manchu ᠠᡴᠰᡠ on the left, and the Uyghur Perso-Arabic ئاقسۇ on the right. [65] Another differentiating feature of Xinjiang coins is that they tend to be more red in colour reflecting on the colour of the local copper mined in the province.

[65] Tibetan coinage under the Qing [ edit ] See also: Xinjiang coins, Silk Road Numismatics, and Xinjiang under Qing rule Commemorative coins [ edit ] • In 1713, a special Kāng Xī Tōng Bǎo (康熙通寶) cash coin was issued to commemorate the sixtieth birthday of the Kangxi Emperor, these bronze coins were produced with a special yellowish colour, and these cash coins believed to have "the powers of a charm" immediately when it entered circulation, this commemorative coin contains a slightly different version of the Hanzi symbol "熙", at the bottom of the cash, as this character would most commonly have a vertical line at the left part of it but did not have it, and the part of this symbol which was usually inscribed as "臣" has the middle part written as a "口" instead.

Notably, the upper left area of the symbol "通" only contains a single dot as opposed of the usual two dots used during this era. Several myths were attributed to this coin over the following 300 years since it has been cast such as the myth that the coin was cast from molten down golden statues of the 18 disciples of the Buddha which earned this coin the nicknames "the Lohan coin" and "Arhat money".

These commemorative kāng xī tōng bǎo cash coins were given to children as yā suì qián (壓歲錢) during Chinese new year, some women wore them akin to how an engagement ring is worn today, and in rural Shanxi young men wore this special kāng xī tōng bǎo cash coin between their teeth like men from cities had golden teeth.

Despite the myths surrounding this coin it was made from a copper-alloy and did not contain any gold but it was not uncommon for people to enhance the coin with gold leaf. [70] • Commemorative silver coins with the portrait of the Panchen Lama of Tibet are known to be produced during the Qianlong reign. [12] • In 1905, the Qing dynasty issued special silver 1 tael Guāng Xù Yuán Bǎo (光緒元寶) coins celebrating the 70th birthday of Empress Dowager Cixi.

[71] These coins feature the Chinese character for longevity (壽) surrounded by 2 Imperial dragons reaching out to the wish-granting pearl. Vault protector coins of the Qing dynasty [ edit ] A chopmarked Spanish 8 reales coin.

Under the reign of the Qing dynasty foreign silver coins entered China in large numbers, these silver coins were known in China as the Yangqian (洋錢, "ocean money") or Fanqian (番錢, "barbarian money").

[12] During the 17th and 18th centuries Chinese trade with European merchants was in a constant rise, as the Chinese weren't consumers of larger contingents of commodities from Europe they largely received foreign silver currency for their exports. [12] As the Europeans discovered a vast quantity of silver mines in the Americas the status of silver rose to be that of an international currency and silver became the most important metal used in international transactions globally, this also had a profound impact on the value of Chinese silver.

[12] Other than trade, Europeans were interested in the Chinese market due to the high interest rates on loans paid out to Chinese merchants in Guangzhou by the Europeans. [12] Another common reason why European merchants traded with the Chinese was because as various types of precious metals had different prices around the world the price of gold was much lower in China than in Europe.

[12] Meanwhile, Chinese merchants used copper-alloy cash coins to purchase silver from the Europeans and Japanese during this period.

[72] [12] Silver coins largely circulated in the coastal provinces of China and the most important form of silver were the foreign silver coins that circulated in China and these were known under many different names often dependent on the imagery depicted on them.

[12] According to the 1618 book Dong-Xiyang Kao (東西洋考) a chapter on the local products of the island of Luzon in the Spanish East Indies ( Philippines) mentions that Chinese observers witnessed a silver coin that came from New Spain ( Mexico) while other Chinese observers would claim that it came from Spain. {/INSERTKEYS}

{INSERTKEYS} [12] These silver dollars came from the North American part of New Spain to the Philippines through the Manila galleons in the Manila-Acapulco Galleon Trade and were brought to Quanzhou, Zhangzhou, Guangzhou, Macau, Xiamen, and Ningbo by Chinese merchants. [12] Trade with the Kingdom of Portugal commenced after the Portuguese occupation of Macau in 1557 and two decades later trade with Castile was established, trade with the Dutch Republic started in 1604 with their occupation of the Penghu islands, and with the Kingdom of Great Britain in 1729.

By the end of the eighteenth century China was also trading with the newly established United States of America. [12] Despite Chinese merchants valuing both foreign silver coins (銀元) and Chinese silver ingots (銀兩) based on their silver content, the government of the Qing dynasty still enforced the opinion that the silver coins that originated in foreign countries was somehow of inferior value than the Chinese sycees.

[12] Yet the private Chinese markets didn't share this opinion with the imperial Qing government as the populations of the coastal provinces (and Guangdong most in particular) held the foreign silver coins in high esteem due to various advantages such as their fixed nominal values and their consistently reliable fineness of their silver content which all made them be used for transactions without having to undergo a process of assaying or weighing as is expected of sycees.

{/INSERTKEYS}

{INSERTKEYS} [72] [12] The year 1814 the market value of 1 silver foreign coin in Guangzhou was never less than 723 Chinese cash coins, while in other provinces like Jiangsu and Zhejiang they were even worth more eight hundred cash coins, or foreign silver coins could be traded for 0.73 tael of silver each.

[73] [74] [12] The following decades the exchange ratee would only rise and a single foreign silver coin would be worth between 1,500 and 1,900 Chinese cash coins.

The Chinese authorities during this period for this reason often raised the proposition to ban the circulation of foreign silver coins within Chinese territory, on the suspicion that "good" Chinese silver went to foreign markets, while the "inferior" foreign silver coins caused the markets of southern China to inundate.

There was evidence that the Qing dynasty indeed suffered a net loss of 11% when changing Chinese into foreign silver. [12] During the initial period of the 19th century the imperial Chinese administration suspected that more silver was being exported than imported causing the Chinese to slowly develop a silver deficit as the trade balance fell on the negative side of the spectrum for the Qing.

[12] However, as the government of the Qing dynasty never collected and compiled any statistics on the private trade of silver it is very difficult to generate any accurate hard numbers on these claims. [12] According to Hosea Ballou Morse the turning point for the Chinese trade balance was in the year 1826, during this year the trade balance allegedly fell from a positive balance of 1,300,000 pesos to a negative one of 2,100,000 pesos.

[72] [12] According to the memorial by the governor of Fujian, L. Tsiuen-Sun published on 7 November 1855 it is noted that the governor witnessed that the foreign silver coins that had been circulating in Jiangnan were held in great esteem by the local people and that the most excellent of these coins weighed 7 Mace and 2 Candareens while their silver content was only of 6 Mace and 5 Candareens.

[12] He also noted that these coins were greatly used in Fujian and Guangdong and that even the most defaced and mutilated of these coins were valued on par with Chinese sycees, in fact he noted that everyone in possession of a sycee would exchange these for foreign silver coins known as Fanbing (番餅, "foreign cakes") due to their standard weights and sizes.

[12] Meanwhile, the governor noted that in the provinces of Zhejiang and Jiangsu these chopped dollars didn't circulate as much in favour of a currency he calls "bright money". Originally a dollar was worth upwards of seven Mace; the value gradually rose over time to eight Mace, and by 1855 it exceeded nine Mace. [75] Early trade prior to the establishment of the Qing [ edit ] Between the 16th and 18th centuries a vast amount of foreign silver coins arrived in the Qing dynasty.

[12] During the early years of Sino-Portuguese trade at the port of Macau, the merchants from the Kingdom of Portugal purchased an annual amount of two million taels worth of Chinese commodities, additionally the Portuguese shipped about 41 million taels (or 1.65 million kilograms) of silver from Japan to China until the year 1638. [12] A century earlier in the year 1567 the Spanish trade port in the city of Manila in the Philippines as part of the Spanish colonial empire was opened which until the fall of the Ming dynasty brought over forty million Kuping Taels of silver to China with the annual Chinese imports numbering at 53,000,000 pesos (each peso being 8 real) or 300,000 Kuping Taels.

[12] During the Ming dynasty the average Chinese junk which took the voyage from the Spanish East Indies to the city of Guangzhou took with it eighty thousand pesos, a number which increased under the Qing dynasty as until the mid-18th century the volume of imported Spanish pesos had increased to 235,370,000 (or 169 460,000 Kuping Tael).

[12] The Spanish mention that around 12,000,000 pesos were shipped from Acapulco to Manila in the year 1597 as part of the Manila-Acapulco Galleon Trade while in other years this usually numbered between one and four million pesos. The Japanese supplied 11,250 kilograms of silver to China by merchants in direct trade annually prior to the year 1600, after the Sakoku policy was enacted by the Tokugawa shogunate in the year 1633 only 350 Japanese trade vessels sailed for China, however each of these ships had more than one thousand tons of silver.

[72] [12] Names used by the Chinese for foreign silver coins [ edit ] List of names used for foreign silver coins during the reign of the Qing dynasty: [12] [72] Name Traditional Chinese Simplified Chinese Literal translation Foreign silver coin Image Maqian Majian 馬錢 馬劍 马钱 马剑 "Horse money" "Horse-and-sword [money]" Dutch ducaton Shangqiu Shuangzhu Zhuyang 雙球 雙柱 柱洋 双球 双柱 柱洋 "Double ball [dollar]" "Double-pillar [dollar]" "Pillar dollar" Spanish dollars issued under King Philip V and King Ferdinand VI Benyang Fotouyang 本洋 佛頭洋 本洋 佛头洋 "Main dollar" [d] "Buddha-head dollar" Spanish Carolus dollar Sangong [e] 三工 三工 "Three Gong's" Spanish dollars produced under King Charles III Sigong 四工 四工 "Four Gong's" Spanish dollars produced under King Charles IV Huabianqian 花邊錢 花边钱 "Decorated-rim money" Machine-struck Spanish Carolus dollars produced after 1732 Yingyang 鷹洋 英洋 鹰洋 英洋 " Eagle coin" "English Dollar" [f] Mexican peso Shiziqian 十字錢 十字钱 "Cross money" Portuguese cruzado Daji Xiaoji 大髻 小髻 大髻 小髻 "Large curls" "Small curls" [g] Spanish dollar Pengtou 蓬頭 蓬头 "Unbound hair" [h] United States dollar United States trade dollar Bianfu 蝙蝠 蝙蝠 "Bat" [i] Mexican peso or United States dollar Zhanrenyang Zhangyang 站人洋 仗洋 站人洋 仗洋 "Standing person dollar" "Weapon dollar" British dollar Longyang Longfan Longyin 龍洋 龍番 龍銀 龙洋 龙番 龙银 "Dragon dollar" "Dragon foreign [dollar]" "Dragon silver" Silver Dragon Spanish dollars and Mexican pesos from the Philippines [ edit ] See also: Spanish dollar § Asia, China–Mexico relations § History, and China–Philippines relations The paramount foreign silver coin in Chinese history was the Spanish piece of eight (or 8 reals and commonly called a peso or dollar) originally entering in circulation through trade with Manila in the Philippines to the cities of Quanzhou, Zhangzhou, Xiamen in Fujian and Guangzhou and Macau in Guangdong.

The Philippines, as part of the Spanish East Indies, exported to and was supplied through the Manila-Acapulco Galleon Trade with the Viceroyalty of New Spain ( Mexico), all as part of the Spanish colonial empire. It was known popularly in English as the Spanish dollar, however to the Chinese this coin was popularly known as the double ball (雙球) because its obverse depicted two different hemispheres of the globe based on the 1494 Treaty of Tordesillas which divided the world between the Crown of Castile and the Kingdom of Portugal and the Algarves.

[12] The silver "double ball" coins were issued under the reigns of King Philip V and King Ferdinand VI between the years 1700 and 1759 and were minted in the Viceroyalty of New Spain ( Mexico) which was signified by the mint mark "Mo" ("M[exic]o") and featured Latin texts such as "VTRAQUE VNUM" ("both [hemispheres] are one [empire]") and "HISPAN·ET·IND·REX" ("king of Spain and the Indies") preceded with the name of the reigning monarch.

[12] The globes on these early Spanish dollars were flanked by two crowned pillars (representing the Pillars of Hercules), these pillars were entwined with S-shaped banners (which is also the origin of the peso sign, $). [12] Under the reign of King Charles III the design was changed and the pillars were moved to the reverse of the coin while of the Spanish coat-of-arms were superseded by a portrait of the reigning monarch, because of this these coins were known as "Carolus dollars" or columnarius ("with columns") in the West, [76] while the Chinese referred to them as Zhuyan (柱洋, "pillar dollar").

Additionally on some Carolus dollars the inscription " PLVS VLTRA" was found. [77] [12] The Spanish Carolus dollars always had a standard weight of 27.468 grams, while their silver content was lowered from 0.93955 to a purity of only 0.902. From the year 1732 onwards these coins were manufactured in Mexico City and other parts of Spanish America. [12] The portraits of kings Charles III and Charles IV (with the "IV" written as "IIII") were featured on these coins, the Chinese referred to the Latin numeral "I" as "工" causing the silver coins of Charles III to be known as Sangong (三工) while those produced under the reign of Charles IV were known as Sigong (四工) coins.

[12] Additionally the depiction of the reigning Spanish monarch inspired the Chinese people to refer these Carolus dollars as Fotou Yang (佛頭洋, "Buddha-head dollar"). [12] The Carolus dollar came in the denominations of ½ real, 1 real, 2 reales, 4 reales, and 8 reales of which the highest denomination had a diameter of forty millimeters and a thickness of 2.5 millimeters. [12] All Carolus dollars issued under the reign of Charles III to China were produced in the year 1790 while those under Charles IV all date from 1804 onwards.

[12] [72] In daily exchange the Chinese rated the 8 reales Carolus dollars at 0.73 Kuping Tael and was one of the most important forms of exchange, the Treaty of Nanking that ended the First Opium War had its payments measured in Spanish Carolus dollars.

[12] According to estimates by the British East India Company the Qing dynasty imported 68,000,000 Taels worth of foreign silver coins between the years 1681 and 1833, this sets China's imports over 100,000,000 foreign silver coins with the bulk of these being Spanish Carolus dollars produced in Spanish America that entered China through trade. [12] [72] The Chinese preference of the old Spanish Carolus dollars over newer European silver coinage, Mexican real, Peruvian real (later the Peruvian sol, and the Bolivian sol (later the Bolivian boliviano) was considered to be "unjustified" by many foreign powers, it took the combined diplomatic interventions of the United Kingdom, France and the United States to lead to a proclamation by Shanghainese superintendent of customs, Chaou, to issue a decree that was dated 23 July 1855, commanding the general circulation of all foreign silver coins, whether they were new or old coinages.

[12] One of the reasons why the circulation of other silver coins other than the Spanish Carolus dollars because the Spanish government has long since stopped the production of these coins as the Spanish American wars of independence cut them off of the majority of their colonies, this had the effect that while no new Spanish Carolus dollars were being produced many Chinese merchants started demanding more money for them as these coins started slowly but gradually disappearing from the Chinese market.

[12] As many foreign nations started trading with China, the Chinese regarded these non-Spanish currencies as "new coins" and often discounted them from 20 to 30 percent due to the suspicion that they had a lower silver content than the Spanish Carolus dollars.

[78] After Mexican independence was declared, the Mexican Empire started issuing silver pesos with their coat of arms on them, these silver coins were brought to China from 1854 and were known to the Chinese as "Eagle coins" (鷹洋), though they have commonly been incorrectly called "English dollars" (英洋) because they were mostly brought to China by English merchants. [12] [79] The denominations of these coins remained the same as with the earlier Spanish dollars but the currency unit "real" was replaced with "peso".

[72] [12] Initially the Chinese market didn't respond positively to this change of design and accepted the Mexican pesos at a lower rate than they did the Spanish Carolus dollars due to a fear that they might have a lower silver content, but after members the customs house of Shanghai were inviter to see the manufacturing process of the Mexican peso by the foreign mercantile community they concluded that these new coins were of equal quality and purity as the old Spanish Carolus dollars and decreed that after the next Chinese new year Chinese merchants in Shanghai can't demand a premium on transactions made in Mexican pesos and that all foreign coins would have to be judged on their intrinsic value and not on the fact if it was a Spanish Carolus dollar or not, the reason why this decree was passed was due to the widespread dishonesty among the Chinese merchants overcharging transactions paid in Mexican pesos claiming that only Spanish Carolus dollars were trustworthy.

[12] This request was also forwarded to all governors of the coastal provinces, however despite the push by the Chinese authorities of the Qing to bring fiscal parity between the Spanish Carolus dollar and the Mexican peso, the Chinese people still held high esteem for the former and the prejudices favouring Spanish Carolus dollars did not cease.

[80] On the 26th day of the 1st month during the year Xianfeng 6 (2 March 1856) the Taoutae (or highest civil officer) of Luzhou-fu, Longjiang-fu, and Taichangzhou who also served as the acting Commissioner of Finance for Luzhou-fu as other places in Jiangnan issued a proclamation condemning the practice of discounting the value of good Spanish dollars and making it illegal to do so, Taoutae Yang cited that there were cunning stockjobbers who have been getting up a set of clever nicknames which they give to Spanish Carolus dollars out of self-interest to try and devalue certain coins and heavily discount them.

[12] Some time after the proclamation these dealers stopped fearing the law and continued their practice. [12] It was notable that certain types of Spanish dollars known as the "copper-mixed-dollar", the "inlaid-with-lead-dollar", the "light-dollar", and the " Foochoow dollar" were particularly targeted this proclamation as they were perceived to be intrinsically of less value, according to Eduard Kann in his book The Currencies of China he reports in Appendix IV: "A feature of Foochow currency is the chopped, or rather the scooped, the scraped, the cut, the punched dollar.

[12] This maltreatment often obliterates all trace of the original markings, some assuming the shape and appearance of a mushroom suffering from smallpox. It is obvious that such coins must pass by weight ..." [80] The Taoutae argued that the money-changers used absurd tricks in attempting to find a flaw in the Spanish dollar while he argued that these coins were both not lighter in weight nor did they feel inferior in quality when held.

[12] The Taoutae argued that the numerous chops on them are proof of the fact that they have been rigorously checked and verified by various Chinese authorities over an extended period of time and that the chopping of these Spanish dollars did not negatively influence them in any way.

[12] Money-changers who engaged in illegally downgrading and devaluing Spanish dollars by assigning these nicknames to them in Jiangnan were placed in a cangue. [12] A similar law was also passed by the province of Zhejiang and government clerks aiding these dishonest shopkeepers were also subject to punishment if discovered.

[80] Other foreign silver coins [ edit ] The silver ducats of the Dutch Republic were known as the Maqian (馬錢) or Majian (馬劍) to the Chinese and it has been estimated that between the years 1725 and 1756 ships from the Netherlands bought in Canon merchandise for 3.6 million taels worth of silver, but between the years 1756 and 1794 this was only 82.697 tael.

[12] In the late 18th century the Dutch silver ducats were primarily circulating in the coastal provinces of Guangdong and Fujian.

[12] The smallest of the Dutch ducats had a weight of 0.867 Kuping Tael. [12] The Portuguese cruzado started circulating in the southern provinces of China during the latter part of the 18th century and was dubbed the Shiqiqian (十字錢) by contemporary Chinese merchants.

[12] The denominations of the Portuguese cruzado during that time were 50 réis, 60 réis, 100 réis, 120 réis, 240 réis, and 480 réis with the largest coin weighing only 0.56 Kuping Tael. [81] [82] The silver coins of the Japanese yen were first introduced in the year 1870 and circulated in the eastern provinces of the Qing dynasty, they were locally known as Longyang (龍洋, " dragon dollars") or Longpan (龍番) because they featured a big dragon and bore the Kanji inscription Dai Nippon (大日本).

[12] These Japanese coins were dominated in yen (圓) and would later serve as the model for the Chinese silver coins produced at the end of the Qing period. [72] [12] Prior to the first opium war began around a dozen different types of foreign silver coins were circulating in China, among these was a small amount of French silver écu coins, however Spanish Carolus dollars were by far the most numerous as various trade companies such as the British East India Company purchased Chinese products such as tea with them, as all other foreign currencies were forbidden by the Qing as a means to accept payment for tea.

[12] In the year 1866 a new mint was opened in British Hong Kong and the British government started the production of the silver Hong Kong dollar (香港銀圓) that all featured a portrait of the reigning British monarch, Queen Victoria. [12] As these Hong Kong dollars didn't have as high of a silver content as the Mexican peso these silver coins were rejected by Chinese merchants and had to be demonetised mere 7 years after they were introduced.

[12] In the year 1873 the government of the United States created the American trade dollar which was known to the Chinese as the Maoyi Yinyuan (貿易銀元), this coin specially designed for use in the trade with the Qing dynasty. [12] However, because its silver content was lower than that of the Mexican peso, it suffered the same fate as the silver Hong Kong dollar and was discontinued 14 years after its introduction. [83] [12] Afterwards another silver British coin was introduced inspired by the American trade dollar that became known as the British dollar or British trade dollar, these coins featured the inscription "One Dollar" (in English, Chinese, and Malay) and had the portrait of the female personification of the United Kingdom Britannia on them, these silver coins were introduced in the year 1895, and were called either Zhanrenyang (站人洋) or Zhangyang (仗洋) by the Chinese.

[12] [72] See also [ edit ] • China portal • Money portal • Numismatics portal • Ancient Chinese coinage • History of Chinese currency • Liao dynasty coinage • Manchukuo yuan • Paper money of the Qing dynasty • Shengbao (currency) • Southern Song dynasty coinage • Western Xia coinage • Yuan dynasty coinage • Zhou dynasty coinage Notes [ edit ] • ^ Possibly because of the contemporary spelling habit, the figures that were quoted in this original text by the Imperial Customs Service such as 1,354, 1,400, and 1,170 are written in modern English as 1.354, 1.400, and 1.170 respectably.

• ^ They were also known as "小錁" ( xiǎokè) and "錁子" ( kèzi). • ^ Note that in the early stages of the existence of Chinese silver crumbs the term Yinzi (銀子) referred to their standard size. • ^ This was probably in contrast to the other foreign silver coins that circulated in China at the time. • ^ Not knowing Latin script and by extend Roman numerals, the Chinese people at the time used to interpret the serif-style letters III and IIII (a substitute for "IV") as multiples of the character 工.

• ^ Often erroneously or for the reason of simplicity written as if it was an "English Dollar". • ^ Note that the "curls" in this context refers to the wigs of the Spanish kings. • ^ "Unbound hair" refers to the Goddess of Liberty which was depicted as having loose hair. • ^ It is speculated that this nickname came from a misinterpretation that either the Mexican or American eagle was a bat.

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"A Mexican bi wen jun coin in the 'Red Book'? Classic Pillar dollar coveted by U.S. coin collectors – Mexican Market Analysis column from the May 5, 2014, issue of Coin World". Coin World. Retrieved 18 November 2018. • ^ "CNG 99, Lot: 1056.

Estimate $300. Sold for $575. This amount does not include the buyer's fee. MEXICO, Colonial. Carlos IV. King of Spain, 1788–1808. AR 8 Reales (38mm, 12h). Ciudad de México (Mexico City) mint". Classical Numismatic Group, LLC. 2005. Retrieved 20 November 2018.

• ^ Journal of East Aaian Numismatics (J.E.A.N.) No. 7 (1995) – "Chopmarks – An Introduction and Some First Hand Accounts" by Bruce W. Smith. • ^ 上海市银行博物馆 – " 认准这只“鹰”——墨西哥银元的崛起" § Eagle – the Rise of Mexican Dollar. Published: 9 June 2017. Retrieved 28 November 2018. (in Mandarin Chinese using Simplified Chinese characters) • ^ a b c Georg H. Forster.

(14 September 2000). "The OLD CAROLUS DOLLAR and CHINESE CHOPS More First Hand Accounts – Published on the Journal of East Asian Numismatics (J.E.A.N.) issue 19 (winter 1998), reproduced here with the authorization of the author (Fecha documento: 14-09-2000)".

Chopmarks y Resellos de Filipinas – Chopmarks and Philippines Counterstamped Bi wen jun (F.7.º & Y.II.). Retrieved 28 November 2018. • ^ Michael, Thomas, Standard Catalog of World Coins, 1701–1800, 7th ed., Iola, WI: Krause Publications, 2016.

• ^ Alberto Gomes and Francisco Antonio Magro, Moedas Portuguesas e do Território Que Hoje é Portugal: Bi wen jun das Moedas Cunhadas para o Continentes e Ilhas Adjacentes, para os Territórios do Ultramar e Grão-Mestres Portugueses da Ordem de Malta, 6ª Edição, Lisbon: Associação Numismática de Portugal, 2013. (in Portuguese) • ^ Taxay, Don (1983) [1966]. The U.S. Mint and Coinage. New York, NY: Sanford J. Durst Numismatic Publications. p. 251. ISBN 0-915262-68-1.

Sources [ edit ] • Eagleton, C.; Williams, J., Money: a history, London: British Museum Press, 2007. • Hartill, David (2005). Cast Chinese Coins: A Historical Catalogue.

Trafford. ISBN 978-1-4120-5466-9. • Hartill, David, Qing cash, Royal Numismatic Society Special Publication 37, London, 2003. • PENG Xinwei, A monetary history of China, Shanghai: Qunlian Publishing, 1954; translated by Kaplan, E.

H., Bellingham, WA: Center for East Asian Studies, University of Western Washington, 2 volumes, 1994. • Wu Jingzi (吳敬梓), Rulin Waishi (The Scholars). • Eduard Kann, Illustrated Catalog of Chinese Coins, Vol. 1: Gold, Silver, Nickel and Aluminum ISBN 0923891188 • Chen Feng, Financial History of the Qing Dynasty (1 January 1991) ISBN 710006998X (in Mandarin Chinese using Simplified Chinese characters) • Werner Burger (numismatist), Ch'ing Cash.

Publisher: University Museum and Art Gallery, Hong Kong University. Publication date: 5 July 2016 ISBN 9881902339 • Kalgan Shih, Sam Sloan, and Mario L. Sacripante. Modern Coins of China. Publisher: Ishi Press. Published: 14 December 2009. ISBN 4871878708 • Shi Jun Zhi, Outline of Chinese coins legal history ( Chinese Edition). Publisher: China Financial Publishing House. Published: 1 March 2015. ISBN 7504978132 External links [ edit ] • Dragon Dollar & Chinese Coins: Late Qing Dynasty provincial silver coins (Beiyang mint) Wikimedia Commons has media related to Coins of the Qing Dynasty.

Preceded by: Ming dynasty coinage Reason: Manchu conquest of China. Ratio: 1 Qing wén for 2 Ming wén. Currency of China 1644 – 1912 Note: Used in Manchuria from 1616 onwards. Succeeded by: Chinese yuan Bi wen jun Wuchang uprising, and Xinhai revolution. Preceded by: Yongli Tongbao cash coins, Spanish dollar Reason: Battle of Penghu Currency of Taiwan 1662 – 1895 Succeeded by: Taiwanese yen Reason: Treaty of Shimonoseki Preceded by: Dzungar pūl Reason: Dzungar–Qing Wars Currency of Dzungaria 1760 – 1912 Succeeded by: Chinese yuan Chinese lac Reason: Xinhai Revolution in Xinjiang • Abkai fulingga han jiha ( ᠠᠪᡴᠠᡳ ᡶᡠᠯᡳᠩᡤᠠ ᡥᠠᠨ ᠵᡳᡴᠠ) • Tianming Tongbao (天命通寳) • Sure han ni jiha ( ᠰᡠᡵᡝ ᡥᠠᠨ ᠨᡳ ᠵᡳᡴᠠ) • Shunzhi Tongbao (順治通寶) • Kangxi Tongbao (康熙通寶) • Yongzheng Tongbao (雍正通寶) • Qianlong Tongbao (乾隆通寶) • Jiaqing Tongbao (嘉慶通寶) • Daoguang Tongbao (道光通寶) • Xianfeng Tongbao (咸豐通寶) • Xianfeng Zhongbao (咸豐重寶) • Xianfeng Yuanbao (咸豐元寶) • Qixiang Tongbao (祺祥通寶) • Qixiang Zhongbao (祺祥重寶) • Tongzhi Tongbao (同治通寶) • Tongzhi Zhongbao (同治重寶) • Guangxu Tongbao (光緒通寶) • Guangxu Zhongbao (光緒重寶) • Guangxu Dingwei (光緒丁未) • Guangxu Wushen (光緒戊申) • Xuantong Tongbao (宣統通寶) Other copper • Zhou dynasty bi wen jun • Xin dynasty coinage • Southern Tang coinage • Liao dynasty coinage • Da Shu coinage • Southern Song dynasty coinage • Western Xia coinage • Jin dynasty coinage (1115–1234) • Da Qi coinage • Yuan dynasty coinage • Ming dynasty coinage • Qing dynasty coinage • Paper money of the Qing dynasty • Shengbao Other territories • Sino-Russian border conflicts • Dzungar–Qing Wars • Chinese expedition to Tibet (1720) • Chinese Rites controversy • Ten Great Campaigns • Miao Rebellion (1735–36) • Lhasa riot of 1750 • Revolt of the Altishahr Khojas • Bi wen jun Khoja Holy War • Sino-Burmese War (1765–1769) • Lin Shuangwen rebellion • Battle of Ngọc Hồi-Đống Đa • Sino-Nepalese War • Miao Rebellion (1795–1806) • White Lotus Rebellion Late • Emperor • List • Family tree • Amban • Cup of Solid Gold • Deliberative Council • Flag of the Qing dynasty • Grand Council • Great Qing Legal Code • Imperial Clan Court • Imperial Commissioner • Imperial Household Department • Lifan Yuan • Ministry of Posts and Communications • Nine Gates Infantry Commander • Provincial governor • Provincial military commander • Principles of the Constitution (1908) • Royal and noble ranks of the Qing dynasty • Ta-Ching Government Bank • Viceroys • Zhili • Shaan-Gan • Liangjiang • Huguang • Sichuan • Min-Zhe • Liangguang • Yun-Gui • Three Northeast Provinces • Zongli Yamen Military • Booi Aha • Changzhou School of Thought • Dibao • Four Wangs • Gujin Tushu Jicheng • History of Ming • Islam during the Qing dynasty • Kangxi Dictionary • Kaozheng • Literary inquisition • Manchu Han Imperial Feast • Peiwen Yunfu • Pentaglot Dictionary • Qing official headwear • Qing poetry • Quan Tangshi • Queue • Researches on Manchu Origins • Sacred Edict of the Kangxi Emperor • Shamanism in the Qing dynasty • Siku Quanshu • Zongmu Tiyao Treaties • Treaty of Kyakhta (1727) • Treaty of Nerchinsk • Unequal treaty • Boxer Protocol • Burlingame Treaty • Chefoo Convention • Convention Between Great Britain and China Respecting Tibet • Convention for the Extension of Hong Kong Territory • Convention of Peking • Convention of Tientsin • Li–Lobanov Treaty • Sino-Portuguese Treaty of Peking • Treaty of Aigun • Treaty of the Bogue • Treaty of Canton • Treaty of Kulja • Treaty of Nanking • Treaty of Saint Petersburg (1881) • Treaty of Shimonoseki • Treaty of Tarbagatai • Treaty of Tientsin • Treaty of Wanghia • Treaty of Whampoa Currency Hidden categories: • CS1 uses Chinese-language script (zh) • CS1 Chinese-language sources (zh) • Pages containing links to subscription-only content • CS1 maint: postscript • Bi wen jun articles with incomplete citations • Articles with incomplete citations from September 2018 • CS1 Chinese (China)-language sources (zh) • Harv and Sfn no-target errors • Articles with short description • Short description matches Wikidata • Articles with self-published sources from December 2021 • All articles with self-published sources • Articles lacking reliable references from December 2021 • All articles lacking reliable references • Articles that may be too long from December 2021 • Articles with multiple maintenance issues • Use dmy dates from April 2020 • Articles containing traditional Chinese-language text • Articles containing simplified Chinese-language text • Articles containing Manchu-language text • Wikipedia articles needing page number citations from September 2018 • Commons category link is on Wikidata Edit links • This page was last edited on 20 April 2022, at 11:55 (UTC).

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